How Waikiki was built “on war, racism and human misery”

Militarism and tourism have always been intimately related institutions in Hawai’i. With APEC leaders descending on Waikiki in November, Larry Geller reminds us of the hidden history Waikiki as illustrative of the history of Hawai’i as a whole.

In Hawaii’s hidden history—slave labor, profit, and the taking of Waikiki, Larry Geller writes “If you’re a visitor to Hawaii, or planning a trip, and a Tweet or Google search has brought you here, there’s a movie about Waikiki below.”

He’s referring to the 1994 classic social-political documentary by Ed Coll and Carol Bain “Taking Waikiki”.   As Geller points out, the film may have been produced nearly two decades ago, but the history and message is as relevant and urgent today as ever before:

This film might be shown in all of the schools as a history lesson, but of course, no such thing will happen. It’s a documentary centered around how Waikiki, originally a rich center of agriculture and aquaculture, became the present tool of the tourism industry. Tourism (and to a lesser extent, service to the military) drives the economy of the state and separates us from other Pacific islands wallowing in intractable poverty.

Why post it now?

For one thing, when the film was made, there was no Internet to post it on. Now, a documentary can be seen by millions, by people anywhere in the world. This film needs to be seen. When it was made, the extensive effort needed to produce a film could attract only a few eyeballs. I assume it was aired on `Olelo, the public television channel, but it could not have gone viral. Without YouTube, it that would have been tough.

For another, as we follow the development of Waikiki, we learn some history that is uncomfortable today, and so likely to be neglected. Particularly as the first of a series of human trafficking trials is set for July in Honolulu, that is, not even a month away, it may be revealing to many to learn that Hawaii’s plantation economy was based on slave labor. The documentary touches on that.  Slave labor is nothing new here, and if the federal charges stick, we will sadly learn that it has not yet been wiped out in “Paradise.”

[…]

Finally, the state administration is upset just now that it cannot wring unending growth from tourism. It is also undertaking the privatization of public lands based on a law passed this year. And it’s in the news that the best agricultural land in the state (perhaps in the country, capable of four harvests in a year) is on the verge of takeover by developers.

So the documentary might have been made yesterday. We seem still to depend on slave labor, low-paying jobs in the tourist industry to profit the rich, and the loss of farmland to development. We still have a government that knows how to do nothing else for the economy but rape and exploit the land and people. We’re in no position to dismiss our history because it continues to the present day.

Taking Waikiki shows how the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom, the taking of land and water for capitalist development, American militarization and empire and tourism are  intricately interconnected.   The tragic story of Waikiki is tied to the political machinations of Walter Dillingham and his dredging and construction empire.  One of Hawaiian Dredging’s first major projects in 1909 was the construction of a dry dock at Ke Awalau o Pu’uloa (Pearl Harbor), the first step in the eventual development of Pearl Harbor Naval Base.  As quoted in the film, the Pacific Studies Center report from 1970 concluded “Dillingham thrives on war, racism and human misery.”

A2006  Honolulu Advertiser article  about Dillingham stated:

He asserted his considerable influence in support of the killers of Joseph Kahahawai Jr. in the infamous Massie Affair, and once testified before Congress that “God had made the white race to rule and the colored to be ruled.”

Watch the movie Taking Waikiki by Carol Bain and Ed Coll (1994):

Possible Native Hawaiian burial site found on shores of Ke Awalau o Pu’uloa/Pearl Harbor

From the Honolulu Star Advertiser http://www.staradvertiser.com/news/breaking/118053369.html:

Human remains found near Blaisdell Park may be from burial site

By Rob Shikina

POSTED: 03:16 p.m. HST, Mar 15, 2011

Human remains believed to be part of an ancient Hawaiian burial site were found along the shoreline of Neal S. Blaisdell Park in Aiea today.

A fisherman reporting finding the remains about 10:30 a.m. The remains were roughly 10 to 14 feet from the shoreline in three to four inches of mud, according to the Navy Region Hawaii.

Three skulls and other bones were found, the Navy said.

“It’s crazy. It’s unexpected,” said Ernie Medeiros, who was watching his friends belongings at the park today and saw police investigating the remains.

Medeiros often fishes off the shoreline where two posts for fishing poles were stuck into the ground less than five feet from the apparent burial site. The bones were below the Pearl Harbor bike path, fronting terraces at the park.

“It’s kind of hard to notice anything because the water is kind of murky at night,” he said. He said a friend saw the bones and told him it appeared a person was lying supine, feet toward the ocean.

The Naval Criminal Investigative Services determined there was no indication of criminal activity and closed their case, said Agnes Tauyan, Navy Region Hawaii spokeswoman.

Archeologists with the Naval Facilities Engineering Command took over and determined the site is likely a historic era or traditional Hawaiian burial site, she said.

Officials placed sandbags on the site, apparently to preserve it and prevent meddlers from touching the remains. Tauyan said archaeologists will return at low tide, possibly today, to excavate the site and recover the remaining bones. Federal officials also contacted the state Historic Preservation Division.

Police said federal officials are handling the case because the remains are on federal property.

Pearl Harbor has become the X-Band radar’s informal home

The Sea-Based X-band Radar (SBX) pulled into Pearl Harbor again on December 22, 2010.  When the military originally proposed the expansion of its missile defense test range to include most of the north Pacific,  many opposed the project, especially the homeporting of the $1 billion Sea-Based X-band Radar monstrosity in Hawai’i.

We were relieved when Hawai’i was not selected as the site, but soon we saw the terrible eye looming on the horizon as it pulled into Ke Awalau O Pu’uloa for repairs and maintenance, or so we were told.  However, as this Honolulu Star Advertiser article explains, the SBX radar never spent a day in its Adak, Alaska homeport.

When it does head in, Hawaii has become the SBX’s home port by default. Ironically, in 2003, military officials considered but rejected permanently basing the SBX here. A spot three miles south of Kalaeloa was examined along with five other locations before Adak was selected.

Adak got the nod because it is between the “threat ballistic missiles” — presumably in North Korea — and the interceptor missiles in California and Alaska, Lt. Gen. Henry Obering III, then-head of the missile agency, said in a 2006 memo.

Instead it has been a kolea, wintering annually in the islands. The newspaper reports “The 280-foot-tall SBX, as it is called, has “loitered” in the vicinity of Adak several times, the U.S. Missile Defense Agency said, but it has returned to Pearl Harbor 11 times and spent a combined total of more than a year and a half in port in Hawaii.”

DAYS SPENT IN ISLES

» 2006: 170 days

» 2007: 63 days

» 2008: 63 days

» 2009: 177 days

» 2010: 51 days

» Dec. 22 to present

Source: Missile Defense Agency

The Honolulu Star Advertiser writes:

Like a loyal tourist, the massive $1 billion Sea-Based X-Band Radar platform keeps returning to Hawaii, becoming an instant focus of public interest every time it moors at Pearl Harbor.

» Size: 240 feet wide and 390 feet long

» Height: 280 feet from keel to top of radar dome

» Displacement: Nearly 50,000 tons

The Missile Defense Agency is tight-lipped about the reasons for never mooring the SBX in Adak as planned in 2006, but the Coast Guard raised concern over operating a 280-foot-tall oil rig ship in the unforgiving Bering Sea, where waves routinely exceed 30 feet and winds top 130 mph.

The SBX radar is part of the massive expansion of the U.S. missile defense system in the Pacific.  On the one hand, the system is anything but defensive.  Russia and China both feel threatened by the ring of missile defense sites encircling them, as these missiles could neutralize retaliatory capabilities in the event of a first strike by the U.S.  So they view the missile defenses as an escalation to be met by expanded offensive capabilities.   The expansion of missile defense systems is causing great political and social unrest in the places where the U.S. wants to station the facilities including Poland, the Czech Republic, Guam and Jeju-do, Korea.   Kwajalein in the Marshall Islands has already been taken over by the U.S. missile defense system, its native islanders crammed into one small squalid slum on Ebeye island.

On the other hand, the missile defense is a massive boondoggle for missile defense aerospace contractors.   As one former engineer from the Pacific Missile Range Facility told me in disgust, the system is not designed to work. It is only supposed to be improved incrementally, thereby keeping the federal dollars flowing. So perhaps the decision to homeport the SBX radar in Adak was only to ensure that Alaska got its fair share of the military pork through construction projects.   The program was initiated during the double reign of Senators Stevens and Inouye on the Senate Defense Appropriations Subcommittee.

Meanwhile, the terrible eye is watching…

READ THE FULL ARTICLE

Hawaii key in U.S. plans for Pacific region

As the Honolulu Star Advertiser reports, despite the Pentagon’s announced budget cuts of $78 billion, the message from the 10th annual Hawaii military partnership conference is that “Hawaii is of extreme strategic importance” to the United States because of our location in the critically important Asia Pacific region and because of the rising economic and military power of China, which the U.S. hopes to contain.

The military-business love fest was sponsored by the Chamber of Commerce of Hawaii, the same organization that conspired with U.S. elites in the 19th century to obtain a Treaty of Reciprocity, which allowed the U.S. to use Ke Awalau o Pu’uloa (aka Pearl Harbor) in exchange for dropping tariffs on Hawaiian sugar imports to the U.S.  The Treaty of Reciprocity was opposed by many Hawaiian citizens because it was rightfully seen as an erosion of Hawaiian sovereignty and a threat to one of the richest food resources for the island of O’ahu.   This treaty, which could be considered a precursor to modern neoliberal trade agreements, was a key  event in the U.S. takeover of Hawai’i.   Today, Hawai’i is still hostage to the economic and military interests that engineered the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom and the U.S. occupation of the islands.  The Hawai’i military partnership conference and upcoming APEC summit in Honolulu only confirms this fact.

According to the Star Advertiser article, the U.S. military population in Hawai’i is approximately 110,000 (50,000 active-duty military members and 60,000 dependents), which is around 8.5 percent of the total population of Hawai’i. Large scale military-driven population transfer of Americans to Hawai’i have had major negative social and cultural impacts on Kanaka Maoli, not the least of which is the loss of self-determination.  The international community understands that the influx of settlers to an occupied territory, such as Palestine, Tibet and East Timor, constitute serious human rights problems. However the influx of American settlers in Hawai’i or Guam have not gotten the same attention.

Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Gary said “There’s no question in my mind that the importance of this region, the Asia-Pacific region and in particular Hawaii, and the vital role it will play in the future is not going to diminish.”  This means that the threat of militarization will continue or worsen for places like Korea, Okinawa, Guam and Hawai’i.  Peace and justice movements in this region will have to grow our movements and strengthen our networks within the region and with allies in the U.S.   We need to call on peace and justice movements within the U.S. to understand developments in the Asia Pacific region, and especially the importance small island bases in the expansion and maintenance of U.S. empire, and to step up their own efforts to dismantle the oppressive “empire of bases” (to borrow a phrase from the late Chalmers Johnson). Now that fiscal realities are finally forcing some in Washington to consider the taboo subject of cutting the military budget, the U.S. peace and justice movements have an opportunity to advocate for the reduction of the military troops and bases around the world.

The article also reports:

Lt. Gen. Benjamin “Randy” Mixon, head of the U.S. Army in the Pacific and headquartered at Fort Shafter, said the Army is looking at shifting Makua Valley away from its past use as an intensive live-fire training facility and bringing in “more relevant” training focused on roadside bomb detection.

Due to a lawsuit, there has been no live-fire training in Makua Valley since 2004.

Another focus would be unmanned aerial vehicle training using Makua, which has unrestricted airspace, Mixon said. In conjunction with those changes, the Army is planning to move some live-fire training to new facilities it would build at Pohakuloa Training Area on the Big Island.

So the Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement being prepared for construction at Pohakuloa is related to the shifting of training activities from Makua to Pohakuloa.

The language coming out of these kinds of conferences also reveals a lot about how the military and businesses view Hawai’i.   Hawai’i is used to serve certain interests.  Our lands, seas and skies are used.  Our people are used.  The entire Pacific ocean is used.  It reveals the arrogance of empire.  Empire never asks permission of the people in its far flung possessions.  It imposes, announces, decides.

Adm. Robert F. Willard, commander in chief of the Pacific Command said that the Pentagon is focusing its attention on the Asia Pacific Region.  Willard said. “We’ll be discussing Pacific Command’s vision for a future posture that is an improved posture in the region — not a lessening posture by any means, but rather a reorienting of some of our forces.”   “Improved posture”?   As in stop slouching?  Interesting language.  It sounds like a bit of spin on possible budget cuts.  We’ll see.

READ THE FULL ARTICLE HERE

Remembering Pearl Harbor, forgetting Ke Awalau o Pu’uloa

I recently visited the new exhibition at the Arizona Memorial.  The exhibit is ripe for political, psychological and cultural analyses.  But here I only offer a few initial impressions:

On the one hand, the new exhibit tells a more complex and nuanced story about the bombing of Pearl Harbor and the origins of World War II than the previous exhibit.  Japanese points of view are included throughout.  The internment of persons of Japanese ancestry in concentration camps (Sand Island, Honouliuli, Pu’unene, Kilauea Military Camp) is featured prominently.  The exhibit even included a small plaque about the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, an extremely sensitive topic.

A $100,000 grant from the Office of Hawaiian Affairs funded displays that added some Native Hawaiian and local perspectives on the militarization of Ke Awalau o Pu’uloa and the war. While these adjustments may seem minor, in the ideologically and symbolically charged field of the Pearl Harbor Story, these small shifts in the “official” narrative reflect some opening of public attitudes and understanding.   A park administrator describes the ultimate message as one of peace.

On the other hand, the exhibit flinches when it comes to examining the destructive forces of 20th century imperialism, Japanese, European and American, which generated so many of our bloodiest wars.   One sign describes the U.S. backed overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom in a detached third person voice: the Hawaiian Kingdom “was overthrown”.   But it fails to describe who was responsible and why the overthrow took place – the U.S. desire for empire and a military foothold in the Pacific.   The exhibit conveys a sense of the tragedy and the human costs of war, but fails to discuss the social and environmental costs of militarism and empire.  By way of what it excludes, the exhibit privileges certain stories over others, reinforcing and normalizing the military’s presence in Hawai’i.  The effectiveness of the new state of the art displays in telling the war stories only highlights the voices that are missing.

These other voices about World War II and Pearl Harbor will have to come from outside the U.S. government.  It will come from the peace activists and revolutionaries, from the Hawaiian nationals and environmentalists, from women and refugees, from peoples and places across the sea where the military storm surges emanating from Hawai’i crash upon whole cities and countrysides.

This year was the 50th anniversary of the U.S. Japan Mutual Security Treaty which established the vast network of U.S. military bases in Japan and returned Okinawa to Japan.   That anniversary was overshadowed by the controversy over the U.S. military bases in Okinawa and widespread questioning of the mutual security treaty.   This disturbance in what has been described as the cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy in East Asia is sure to make foreign policy elites nervous.

In  “Tora! Tora! Tora! and the Fate of (Trans)national Memory” published on the Japan Focus website, Marie Thorsten and University of Hawai’i professor Geoffrey White examine the history of how Pearl Harbor has been remembered (or forgotten) by Americans and Japanese through films and what these different narratives have to say about the state of U.S. Japanese relations.  They argue that at the height of the Cold War, when the U.S. needed to solidify Japan as an Asian ally against Communism, the rhetoric and memory about Pearl Harbor warmed up and allowed for the bi-national production of the film Tora! Tora! Tora!

In 2011, given the erupting contradictions of the U.S. Japan partnership, it will be interesting to see how the 70th anniversary of the bombing of Pearl Harbor is remembered.

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http://japanfocus.org/-Geoffrey_M_-White/3462

Binational Pearl Harbor?

Tora! Tora! Tora! and the Fate of (Trans)national Memory

Marie Thorsten and Geoffrey M. White

The fifty-year anniversary of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States, signed on January 19, 1960, was not exactly a cause for unrestrained celebration. In 2010, contentious disagreements over the relocation and expansion of the American military presence in Okinawa, lawsuits against the Toyota Motor Corporation, ongoing restrictions on the import of American beef, and disclosures of secret pacts that have allowed American nuclear-armed warships to enter Japan for decades, subdued commemorative tributes to the U.S.-Japan security agreement commonly known as “Ampo” in Japan.1

In this atmosphere it is nevertheless worth recalling another sort of U.S.-Japan pact marking the tenth anniversary of Ampo, the 1970 historical feature film, Tora! Tora! Tora! (dir. Richard Fleisher, Fukasaku Kinji and Masuda Toshio).2 Whereas the formal security treaty of 1960 officially prepared the two nations to resist future military attacks, Tora! Tora! Tora! unofficially scripted the two nations’ interpretations of  the key event that put them into a bitter war, the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. Although conceived by the American film studio Twentieth-Century Fox as a way to mark a new beginning for the two nations, certain popular opinions at the time, particularly in Japan, regarded Tora! Tora! Tora! as a cultural extension of the unequal security partnership.

On the American side, Pearl Harbor has come to wield such iconic proprietorship that it may seem inconceivable that the authorship of such pivotal memory could ever be shared with the former enemy. Airing his vehement disapproval over whether to build a mosque near the site of the World Trade Center attacks, a controversy preoccupying Americans in 2010, political stalwart Newt Gingrich (former Republican Speaker of the House of Representatives), analogized, “We would never accept the Japanese putting up a site next to Pearl Harbor.”3 In the realm of education, a series of teacher workshops that had brought American and Japanese educators together to discuss approaches to teaching about Pearl Harbor was recently brought to an abrupt end when an American participant complained to federal sponsors that the program amounted to “an agenda-based attack on the U.S. military, military history, and American veterans.”4 The fact that this criticism, directed to the federal funding source (the National Endowment for the Humanities as well as the U.S. Congress) quickly found receptive audiences through political blogs and veterans groups’ listservs suggests an insecure, zero-sum mentality in which listening to other controversies and points of view somehow erases dominant narratives, which must then be vigilantly protected.

Nevertheless, we consider Tora! Tora! Tora! a noteworthy exception to such assumed proprietorship for its splicing together of two, mostly parallel, national productions from America and Japan. It is perhaps inevitable that such a film encountered difficulties narrativizing the events of Pearl Harbor for two national audiences—events that have been the subject of contested and shifting memory for Americans throughout the postwar period. This shift has been made manifest in the last decade through highly misguided efforts to summon Pearl Harbor memory to serve America’s “war on terror” —in the hopes of recreating American revenge, triumph, occupation and democratization of the vanquished.5

Despite its claims to tell both national sides of the attack, Tora! Tora! Tora! evoked discussions of genre and accuracy in cinematic representations of war and nation, with much interest, especially in America, over the “American view” and the “Japanese view.” Japanese critics were less concerned about the film’s reference to Pearl Harbor in 1941 than the politics of the 1960s framing the film as an expression of unequal bilateral relations or glorification of state violence. While there is validity to such concerns, the film also offered a unique space for integrating narratives not entirely reducible to exigent security matters. Especially in response to the Gingrich statement above, we express some cautious appreciation of the film’s gesture not only of bridging the stories of both nations but also acknowledging mistakes made throughout the chains of command in both the United States and Japan leading to Pearl Harbor attack.

Tora! Tora! Tora!’s screenplay was adapted from the extensive writings of historian Gordon Prange, including an early work titled, Tora! Tora! Tora!6 and Ladislas Farago’s The Broken Seal (1967). Though Prange died in 1980, his former students, Donald M. Goldstein and Katherine V. Dillon, published his meticulously documented oeuvre on Pearl Harbor as the posthumous At Dawn We Slept: The Untold Story of Pearl Harbor (1981), widely considered an epic, unparalleled book compiling Prange’s thirty-seven years of research. After researching both national perspectives and claiming “no preconceived thesis”7 (and originally intending to do primarily the Japanese side), Prange’s “reflective” rather than “judgmental” conclusion, expressed by Goldstein and Dillon, was that there were “no deliberate villains”:

[Prange] considered those involved on both sides to be honest, hardworking, dedicated, and for the most part, intelligent. But as human beings some were brilliant and some mediocre, some broad-minded and some of narrow vision, some strong and some weak—and every single one fallible, capable of mistakes of omission and commission.8

Writing mostly in the post-Occupation years yet before the 1980s, Prange’s Pearl Harbor books including At Dawn assumed a  “happy ending on both sides” marked by peaceful relations and the rise of the Japanese economy under the American military umbrella.9 As technical adviser to the film version of Tora! Tora! Tora! Prange’s signature themes of communication failures, mutual mistakes and diffused responsibility are prominent.

READ THE FULL ARTICLE

Giant sea-based radar undergoes $7M repair

The giant sea-based X-band radar has reappeared in Pearl Harbor again for repairs. This expensive piece of hardware has been plagued by problems from the start, when it began to take on water and had to return to Pearl Harbor for repairs. As William Cole reports, the radar will get $7 million in repairs in Hawai’i and later on the west coast.  According to Cole: “Adak, Alaska, was the radar’s intended home port, but the SBX has spent scant time there. It has never pulled into port in Adak, officials said.”

The radar represents one of the looming “eyes of the he’e”.  Kaleikoa Kaeo coined the metaphor of a giant he’e or octopus to describe the U.S. military in Hawai’i and the Pacific.   The radars, optical tracking devices and antenna are the “eyes” of this he’e whose tentacles stretch from the west coast of North America to the east coast of Africa, from Alaska to Antarctica.

The X-band radar is an important component of the missile defense system which is considered to be an escalation of the nuclear arms race with China and Russia.  Or perhaps, as one former missile defense engineer explained to me in disgust, the whole missile defense program is a scam designed to require constant improvements as a way of insuring a steady flow of contracts and work for military tech firms.

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http://www.staradvertiser.com/news/hawaiinews/20100803_Giant_sea-based_radar_undergoes_7M_repair.html

Giant sea-based radar undergoes $7M repair

By William Cole

POSTED: 01:30 a.m. HST, Aug 03, 2010

The Missile Defense Agency’s giant floating radar is in for some expensive repairs at Pearl Harbor and later on the West Coast.

The $1 billion ballistic missile tracker, known as the Sea-Based X-Band Radar, or SBX, arrived back at Pearl Harbor on July 13.

The Missile Defense Agency said the 280-foot-tall former oil rig will undergo about $7 million in repairs here.

READ MORE

Guam Senator Cruz demands demands radiation tests for Apra harbor

Senator B.J. Cruz from Guam is demanding that the Environmental Protection Agency require the U.S. military to test for radiation contamination be conducted in Apra Harbor before dredging and dumping of the sediment is approved.   He is right to demand these studies.  It is widely known that U.S. navy ships have leaked radioactive water in Apra.  Given the nuclear history of the Mariana islands, it is reasonable to expect that there is radioactive sediment in the harbor.

In Hawai’i, radioactive Cobalt 60 contaminates the sediment in Ke Awalau o Pu’uloa (Pearl Harbor), leaked from the nuclear power plants on navy ships.    The EPA knows this, but is not requiring a thorough clean up.  The EPA should at least require that the military study the contamination of the harbor sediment to know the baseline level of environmental and human health risk that exists.

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http://mvguam.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11842:cruz-demands-radiation-tests-&catid=1:guam-local-news&Itemid=2

Cruz demands radiation tests

THURSDAY, 22 APRIL 2010 04:34 BY THERESE HART | VARIETY NEWS STAFF

VICE Speaker BJ Cruz is protesting the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s policy decision to not require radiation testing for dredged materials from Apra Harbor that would be dumped into the proposed ocean disposal site.

EPA said the testing was not necessary, prompting Cruz to fire off a letter to Nancy Woo, associate director of EPA’s water division for Region 9.

“It appears then that the dumping of any radioactive sediment under that equivalency threshold is an acceptable practice,” Cruz wrote.

“I take this to mean that, absent any proof that fuel and concentrated waste from nuclear reactors or materials used for radiological warfare were leaked into Apra Harbor, dredging and dumping may proceed without testing. That I cannot accept,” he added.

According to the Federal Register, EPA is proposing to designate the Guam Deep Ocean Disposal Site as a permanent ocean-dredged material disposal site located offshore of Guam. Disposal operations at the site will be limited to a maximum of 1 million cubit yards a calendar year and must be conducted in accordance with EPA’s site management and monitoring plan.

The Federal Register further reads that EPA should conduct an extensive series of tests and studies to determine if radiation exists in Apra Harbor waters or its sediments to independently confirm the Navy’s claim that the amount of leakage from nuclear-powered vessels is insignificant.

Woo has sent Cruz the final environmental impact statement for the designation of an offshore ocean-dredged material disposal site.

*Assurance*

In an April 14 letter, Woo assured Cruz that his concerns regarding radiation in dredged sentiment in Apra Harbor and its dumping in Guam waters have been addressed, but the vice speaker said he was far from reassured.

Woo cited USEPA regulations that prohibit ocean disposal of high-level radioactive waste and materials. Woo also stated that radioactivity testing will be required when there is reason to believe that elevated levels of radiation may be present.

The rules that Woo cites refers to fuel and concentrated waste from nuclear reactors and materials used for radiological warfare.

Cruz said he is concerned that EPA will allow the dumping of any radioactive material below high levels of concentration, which he said, is obvious.

Cruz believes that before any dredging occurs in Apra Harbor, samples taken from the depth of the proposed dredge must first be tested for radiation.

“It is common knowledge that the U.S. Navy discharged radioactive material into Apra Harbor on more than one occasion. It is imperative, then, that no dredging of the harbor take place until adequate radiation testing independent from that reported by the U.S. Navy has been conducted on proposed dredge sites,” wrote Cruz.

800 gallons of sewage spills into Pearl Harbor

http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20100417/BREAKING01/100417032/800+gallons+of+sewage+spills+into+Pearl+Harbor

Updated at 2:03 p.m., Saturday, April 17, 2010

800 gallons of sewage spills into Pearl Harbor

Advertiser Staff

An estimated 800 gallons of sewage has been discharged into a storm drain at Merry Point, Pearl Harbor today due to a broken pipe, according to the state’s Department of Health Clean Water Branch.

The break occurred in a 16-inch force main, the Clean Water Branch reported. Signs have been posted and military and private commercial divers are advised to stay out of the water through the weekend.

Hawai’i faces a Strykerferry threat

When critics of the Hawaii Superferry uncovered its ties to military programs and warned that the Superferry was a front for establishing a U.S.-based shipyard that could compete for the military JHSV and Littoral Combat Ship contracts, these ideas were derided as “paranoid conspiracy theories”. But less than a year since the demise of the Hawaii Superferry, we are seeing the full scope of the military plans for inserting high speed ferries in the Pacific.
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http://www.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/20100209/NEWS01/2090360/High-speed+catamarans+may+be+based+in+Hawaii
Posted on: Tuesday, February 9, 2010

High-speed catamarans may be based in Hawaii

By William Cole
Advertiser Military Writer

The Army said it plans to look at the environmental impact of basing up to three “joint high-speed vessels” in Pearl Harbor — speedy craft capable of carrying large loads, similar to the defunct Hawaii Superferry’s ships.

Last March, Hawaii Superferry shut down operations of its ship Alakai after the state Supreme Court ruled the company couldn’t operate without completing an environmental impact statement. The company filed for bankruptcy in May.

Mike Formby, deputy director of the state Department of Transportation Harbors Division, said yesterday the impacts are unclear should the Army decide to base one or more of the 338-foot catamarans in Hawai’i.

“One thing we don’t know that needs to be fleshed out is where the vessels are going to operate, if they are deployed or positioned in Pearl Harbor,” Formby said. “Are they going to go to Pōhakuloa (Training Area) on the Big Island? Are they going to use our state piers? Where are they going to offload their military equipment and troops? None of that has been discussed with the state.”

The Army published a notice in the Federal Register on Friday saying it would conduct a programmatic environmental impact statement analysis of basing up to 12 joint high-speed vessels at five locations.

Officials with the Army Environmental Command in Maryland could not be reached for comment yesterday.

The notice said the Army is working in coordination with the Navy, which is scheduled to receive 10 of the catamarans.

The environmental analysis will consider the impacts of stationing the Army catamarans in the Virginia Tidewater area; San Diego; Seattle-Tacoma, Wash.; the Pearl Harbor area; and Guam.

The joint high-speed vessel “is a strategic transport vessel designed to support the rapid transport of military troops and equipment in the U.S. and abroad,” according to a statement from the Army Environmental Command.

The shallow-draft vessel includes a weapons mount, a flight deck for helicopters, and an off-load ramp that allows vehicles to drive off the ship quickly.

The Superferry’s Alakai catamaran was 349 feet long and could carry 866 passengers and up to 282 cars. The state in July stopped pursuing an environmental impact statement after Hawaii Superferry declared bankruptcy two months earlier.

Formby, with the state DOT, said about $750,000 had been spent for an EIS, but the completion of the environmental analysis would have cost about $500,000 more.

The Alakai made its last scheduled roundtrip between O’ahu and Maui in March.

A second Superferry vessel destined for Hawai’i, the Huakai, was retrofitted with a vehicle loading ramp that would have allowed the catamaran access to large piers without having to use onshore ramps and barges financed by the state. The vehicle ramps also make the vessels more useful to the military.

Formby said he didn’t know if the Hawai’i Superferry vessels could become part of the military’s joint high-speed vessel plan.

“There was some initial discussion that the (Pentagon) might have been interested in chartering one or both of the vessels as interim use until the (joint high-speed vessels) come off the production line,” Formby said.

He added that he hasn’t “seen anything to indicate they are moving in that direction, but it was discussed.”

The Army said it will look at three options as part of the joint high-speed vessel examination.

One option is stationing five high-speed vessels at port facilities in the U.S. or its territories as well as overseas locations, with up to three vessels at any one of the locations noted above.

A second option the Army said it will examine is the basing of 12 high-speed vessels, with up to three vessels at any one location. The Army said it also would examine a “no action” alternative.

High-speed vessel detachments consist of a 31-member crew and can accommodate up to 360 additional soldiers. The vessels can reach speeds of 35 to 45 knots (40 to 51 mph) and have an equipment carrying capacity of about 700 short tons.

The vessels will require fueling-at-sea training; helicopter training; live-fire training; and high-speed, open-water training, the Army said.

The Army said the vessels will spend 150 days or more away from the home station. The home-station sites would be used to support berthing and training requirements in and around the stationing location for 170 days per year.

Military joint high-speed vessels have periodically been in Hawai’i for testing and training before.

The HSV-2 “Swift,” a 320-foot all-aluminum catamaran, was in Hawai’i in 2004 for Rim of the Pacific war games, as was the HSV-X1 Joint Venture, a high-speed vessel leased by the Army, which was in the Isles for an extended period.

The Army at the time said it was interested in basing high-speed vessels in Hawai’i in part to transport its fast-response Stryker brigade of eight-wheeled vehicles.

Reach William Cole at wcole@honoluluadvertiser.com.

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