Failing together: analysis of U.S.-Japan relations in light of the Okinawa bases controversy

The Dispatch Japan blog posted several articles that give good analysis of the state of U.S.-Japan relations related to the realignment of bases in Okinawa.  “NSC Shakeup Could Impact US-Japan Relations” provides insight into  the appointment of Tom Donilon to the position of National Security Advisor and its implications for U.S.-Japan relations.   The article describes the split within the administration between those who favor a hard line on the Futenma-Henoko military base issue (Gates, Clinton, Donilon) and those who favor a more flexible line to protect the U.S.-Japan security alliance (Campbell, Biden). Donilon’s appointment indicates that the Pentagon is dicating international policy to the Obama administration and sends a signal that tensions with Japan will worsen:

The much-anticipated announcement by President Obama October 8 that Tom Donilon will be his new national security advisor might not be the greatest of news for US-Japan relations.

Donilon has been a prominent supporter of the blinkered view that “tough love” succeeded with Japan over the past year, moving a dangerously-naïve Yukio Hatoyama out of power, and opening the door for more pragmatic leaders of the DPJ to steer US-Japan relations back on track.

With the strong backing of Defense Secretary Bob Gates, Donilon’s perspective has until recently prevented a more flexible approach to the intractable Futenma problem from emerging within the Obama administration, sending the US-Japan alliance into one of its most contentious periods in many years.

The White House has placed a virtual moratorium on high-level celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the US-Japan Security Treaty, partly out of anger, and partly out of a determination to not give any sign of pulling back from insistence that the Henoko project to replace the US Marine Air Station Futenma move forward.

Meanwhile “Campbell downplays Futenma. Is a solution in sight?” underscores the rift between the two camps.   Here’s an excerpt that speaks directly to the situation with Futenma-Henoko:

Futenma issue lives

The Obama administration has not abandoned the project to replace Futenma; Campbell said nothing to indicate otherwise.

And, while the recent skirmish between Japan and China over the disputed Senkaku islands south of Okinawa has brought the US and Japan closer together, it did not alter in any significant way the dynamics on Okinawa working almost completely against the plan for a Futenma replacement facility.

For now, the Administration appears to have ‘shelved’ the issue until early next year, with the hope that some ‘breathing space’ will allow Washington and Tokyo to focus on some really pressing alliance issues, including challenges posed by China, and then revisit Futenma in a hoped-for more amiable context.

President Obama will visit Japan in November, as scheduled, and the two sides will work hard to keep the Futenma issue from rearing its divisive head. It remains to be seen if the White House will drop its virtual moratorium on 50th anniversary celebrations of the US-Japan Security Treaty, which was signed in 1960, though sentiments seem to be moving in that direction.

In any case, most officials in Tokyo are happy with the breathing space, but have not changed their assessment that opposition on Okinawa will prove too strong to allow the project to proceed.

Thus, Futenma could still cause considerable tension, which explains the lingering, myopic White House aversion to 50th anniversary celebrations.

The November 28 race for governor of Okinawa will have a big impact on how events unfold. Land usage and other regulations give the governor authority to block the project. The incumbent, Hirokazu Nakaima, harbors sympathy for construction of a replacement facility in the Henoko area of Okinawa, but has been pressured by public opinion to endorse placement of the facility outside of Okinawa.

His challenger in the race, Yoichi Iha, is a fierce opponent of the Henoko plan.

American officials are hoping Nakaima wins, and that the time-worn tactics of using economic aid to buy off opposition on Okinawa will once again work. Officials in Tokyo are not optimistic those tactics will work, but are willing to try.

An Iha win is likely to provoke disagreement among US officials, and potentially between Washington and Tokyo. Some US officials would favor pressuring Kan to try to push through the Diet a “special measures” law that would allow the central government to overrule the Okinawan governor. Others argue that approach would only make matters worse.

Regardless, Kan is very unlikely to take such action, if only because his government would collapse if he were to try to enforce the “special measure” by deploying police to confront the demonstrators who would inevitably gather in large numbers around the construction site.

Instead, Kan would more likely argue with Washington that he needs more time, and more time, and still more time to win over Okinawan opponents. The new project would never be built, with Kan’s government all the while arguing that it was doing its best.

There is some hope on both sides that if Washington and Tokyo “fail together” to bring about construction of a Futenma replacement facility, alliance managers will be able to limit any lingering clamor. Said one high-ranking US official: “If it comes down to it, we will not allow a fight over Futenma to ruin the alliance.” But there could be another round or two of high-stakes stalemate before that stage is reached.

“Until they hear us in Washington, D.C.”

“A person’s a person, no matter how small.”

– Horton, from Horton Hears a Who

Hundreds of people of all ages, across the political spectrum turned out to protest the U.S. military’s record of decision (ROD) on the military expansion plans for Guahan (Guam).  Is Washington D.C. listening?  The Pacific Daily News wrote:

A few hundred protesters linked arms on the Adelup lawn and yelled together, hoping their unified cry would become a voice in the military buildup.

“Louder than that! Louder than that!” shouted Melvin Won Pat-Borja. “Until they hear us in Washington, D.C., get louder!”

That was the highlight of a “Realize our Destiny” rally held last night, which united groups including We Are Guåhan and much of the Guam Legislature in response to the Record of Decision, which was released Sept. 21.

The voices of opposition have been clear and constant.  Does Washington D.C. not hear?  Or does it not care?   Does it not care that its obsession with “national security” destroys small treasures like Diego Garcia, Jeju, Kwajalein, Okinawa, Hawai’i and Guahan, and generates greater animosity and insecurity around the world?   Not care that the $4 trillion wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have killed hundreds of thousands, if not millions, destroyed entire countries, destabilized regions,  bankrupted the United States, and robbed future generations of Americans?

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It reminds me of the climax of the Dr. Seuss classic Horton Hears a Who.  All of Whoville raising their voices to save their world, trying to get people outside to hear them.  They needed that one last tiny Who to speak.  We are all Whos. Raise your voices to stop the military invasion of Guahan!

Action alert Guam: Realize Our Destiny: Community Response to the Record of Decision

We Are Guahan

WeAreGuahan.com

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

September 23, 2010; Guam- With the release of the DoD’s Record of Decision, it has become evident that the Department of Defense will continue to disregard concerns voiced by the people of Guam. Guam’s local residents will be the demographic most severely impacted by plans to increase the US military’s presence within the region through one of the largest peacetime military relocations in modern history. We Are Guahan will be hosting a rally on Oct. 1 to unite the community in response.

The island participated actively within the NEPA process, with over 10,000 comments submitted in response to the Draft EIS from the community and Government of Guam agencies. Despite the outpouring of community involvement, the Final EIS failed to incorporate many of the island’s concerns into their final plans.

Guam’s community and local leaders presented a united front in opposition to the condemnation of land and the taking of more sites considered culturally and historically significant to the island’s indigenous people. However, the Department of Defense’s Record of Decision (ROD) indicates that the condemnation of land through eminent domain is still a possibility. Although decisions regarding the use of Pågat, an ancient Chamorro village and burial site, have been delayed, the site remains affected by the Department of Defense’s preferred alternatives for live-ammunition exercises.

Guam boasts one of the highest rates of enlistment into the United States Armed Forces per capita. Guam’s soldiers have fought and defended American values at rates higher than any other state within the Continental US, but remain excluded from discussions that greatly determine their futures. As a United States colony, residents of Guam lack any real control of their home and its resources. The lack of Democracy involved in the processes surrounding the military build-up in Guam have prompted residents to demand a role in the decision making process.

Plans to realign US troops stationed in Okinawa highlight a critical moment in the island’s history. Residents are uniting in efforts to empower themselves, protect their home’s resources, and shape their futures.

We Are Guahan invites all residents to participate in an island-wide rally to demonstrate unity, commemorate the island’s many sacrifices, and to empower the community to prepare for their home’s future. The rally is scheduled for Friday, October 1st from 4:30pm to 7:30pm at Adelup.

OCTOBER 11: Day of Action to Confront US Militarism in the Americas

OCTOBER 11: Day of Action to Confront US Militarism in the Americas

please circulate widely

Call: Day of Action to Confront US Militarism in the Americas

October 11, 2010

Our organizations urge you to join us in a National Day of Action to Confront US Militarism in the Americas on Monday, October 11, 2010. October 11 is the day the United States “celebrates” the beginning of the European invasion of the Americas and when indigenous peoples mark as the 518th year of resistance to invasion and colonialism.

We represent Latin America solidarity and peace groups. We are initiating and urge others to undertake the formation of local and regional coalitions – across movements for indigenous rights, immigrant justice, fair trade, peace, human rights, labor rights, gender justice, drug policy reform and other urgent goals – to confront the growing militarism of our culture and budget, the increasing propensity to commit national resources to wars of aggression, and the militarization of U.S. foreign policy, especially in Latin America.

We are calling on local coalitions to organize creative, strong actions consistent with these themes and issues of concern in your area. In border regions, actions might focus on militarization of the border and immigration policy. In urban areas, actions might focus on the militarization of law enforcement and prisons. In areas with major military contractors, actions might focus on war for profit, and in areas where there are military bases that act as staging areas for troop deployment to other countries, actions could focus on de-funding war and bringing the troops home now.

There is no city, town, or hamlet in the United States that does not have some connection to the war machine. We urge and support the organizing of myriad creative, coordinated actions on October 11 to draw attention to that fact and to imperative to redirect resources to meet domestic needs left wanting due to our nation’s expenditures on war.

To list and promote your local action [click here to add to our calendar]. For organizing materials you can adapt for your local needs go to www.lasolidarity.org. To have your local organizing materials posted so that others can adapt them, send them to info@lasolidarity.org.

Background

The United States spends as much on its war-making capabilities as the rest of the world combined. It has nearly 1,000 military facilities on foreign soil. It is engaged in wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and supporting armed conflict in Pakistan, Somalia, Philippines, Mexico, Colombia, Palestine, and other countries. And it is threatening war against Iran.

The Obama administration has accelerated the militarization of US relations with Latin America, virtually erasing the goodwill with which Latin Americans welcomed the change of government in Washington. In June the United States signed an agreement with the government of Costa Rica – a pacifist nation that outlawed its army in 1948 – allowing unrestricted access for 7,000 Marines from 46 ships, armed with missiles, 200 helicopters, and other assault weapons; numbers totally disproportionate and inappropriate for official claims that it is to fight the drug war. This mobilization follows a basing agreement with Colombia for the use of seven bases; the recognition of a coup government and construction of a new naval base in Honduras; continued expansion of the U.S. military base in Curacao just over the horizon from Venezuela’s oil fields; and the military response to Haiti’s devastating earthquake in January 2010.

The goals for the Oct. 11 Day of action are to support:

1. Cancellation of the threatening and unnecessary U.S. military exercises in Costa Rica

2. Closing the School of the Americas (now Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation)

3. Ending the U.S. military presence on bases in Colombia, Honduras, Guantanamo, and elsewhere in hemisphere.

4. Ending the Merida Initiative and the increased militarization of the US border with Mexico

5. The proposal by Rep. Barney Frank  to start reducing the social debt by cutting the US military budget immediately by 25%

Local coalitions are invited include their own goals for planned actions.

This Call is issued by members of the Latin America Solidarity Coalition and other organizations working for peace and justice. (www.lasolidarity.org). To add your organization to the list of co-sponsors go to http://www.LASolidarity.org/endorse

Original Co-Sponsors:

Latin America Solidarity Coalition

Alliance for Global Justice

School of the Americas Watch

Fellowship of Reconciliation-USA

Campaign for Labor Rights

National Immigrant Solidarity Network

Nicaragua Network

United for Peace and Justice

INTERCONNECT

U.S.- El Salvador Sister Cities

Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES)

Guatemala Human Rights Commission

CODEPINK

ANSWER Coalition

Witness for Peace

SOA Watch – Oakland

Mary Seat of Wisdom Parish

Committee on US-Latin America Relations (CUSLAR)

Illinois SOA Watch

Latin America Solidarity Committee, Milwaukee

Colectivo Morazan

Nicaragua Center for Community Action, Bay Area

School of the Americas Watch – Puget Sound

Syracuse Caribbean Latin America Coalition

Central New York S.O.A. Abolitionists

Nicaragua Solidarity Committee – Chicago

Creech 14 trial becomes referendum on drone warfare

Published on Saturday, September 18, 2010 by CommonDreams.org

A Peace Movement Victory in Court

by John Dear

“Fourteen anti-war activists may have made history today in a Las Vegas courtroom when they turned a misdemeanor trespassing trial into a possible referendum on America’s newfound taste for remote-controlled warfare.” That’s how one Las Vegas newspaper summed up our stunning day in court on Tuesday, when fourteen of us stood trial for walking on to Creech Air Force Base last year on April 9, 2009 to protest the U.S. drones.

We went in hoping for the best and prepared for the worst. As soon as we started, the judge announced that he would not allow any testimony on international law, the necessity defense or the drones, only what pertained to the charge of “criminal trespassing.”

With that, the prosecutors called forth a base commander and a local police chief to testify that we had entered the base, that they had given us warnings to leave, and that they arrested us. They testified that they remembered each one of us. Then they rested their case.

We called three expert witnesses, what the newspaper called “some of the biggest names in the modern anti-war movement:” Ramsey Clark, former U.S. attorney general under President Lyndon Johnson; Ann Wright, a retired U.S. Army colonel and one of three former U.S. State Department officials who resigned on the eve of the 2003 invasion of Iraq; and Bill Quigley, legal director for the New York City-based Center for Constitutional Rights. We presumed they would not be allowed to speak.

All fourteen of us acted as our own lawyers, and were not allowed any legal assistance, so members of our group took turns questioning our witnesses, and trying not to draw the judge’s wrath. Lo and behold, the judge let them speak, and they spoke for hours.

They were brilliant. They spoke about the meaning of “trespassing,” and the so-called necessity defense and international law, which allows citizens to break minor laws in adherence to a higher law. Ramsey Clark, looking like Atticus Finch on the stand, said it was a duty.

They cited the classic example of someone driving down a street, seeing a house on fire, noticing a child in the third floor window, hearing the screams, breaking through the front door, violating the no trespass law, and entering the house to save the child.

“[People] are allowed to trespass if it’s for the greater good — and there are certainly exceptions [to the law] when there is an emerging, urgent need,” said Quigley.

He cited the history of protesters who broke petty laws, from our nation’s founders to the Suffragists to the civil rights activists who illegally sat in at lunch counters. In the long run, we honor them for obeying a higher law, for helping to bring us toward justice, he said. Unfortunately, there is a gap between “the law” and “justice,” and so, he explained, the struggle today is to narrow that gap. The best test is through “a hundred year vision,” he explained. That is, how will this law and ruling be seen one hundred years from now?

The prosecutors challenged each witness, but their questions only enabled the witnesses to speak further on our behalf. When they were asked if they actually knew us, the prosecutors and judges were stunned to hear that they were our friends, in some cases, lifelong friends. When the prosecutors presented our experts’ articles from the internet in order to discredit them (such as Bill Quigley’s superb Common Dreams piece, “Time for a U.S. Revolution — Ten Reasons“), that only added fuel to their fire. Bill launched into an eloquent plea for citizens to stand up and work for nonviolent change.

Through carefully crafted questions, the defendants were able to extract several key points from their witnesses:

* Intentional killing is a war crime, as embodied in U.S. constitutional law.

* Drone strikes by U.S. and coalition forces kill a disproportionate number of civilians.

* People have the right, even the duty, to stop war crimes.

* According to the Nuremberg principles, individuals are required to disobey domestic orders that cause crimes against humanity.

After our experts testified, co-defendant Brian Terrell told the judge we would now call five of us to take the stand. The judge said he would not recommend that. So our group huddled together for a minute.

“He’s sending us a signal,” co-defendant Kathy Kelly said. “He’s telling us not to call any more witnesses, that if one of us testifies that we crossed the line under cross examination, he will have no choice but to find us guilty. Let’s rest our case.” So, despite days of preparation, we did.

With that, Brian Terrell stood up and delivered a short, spontaneous closing statement. It was one of the most moving speeches I have ever heard. Here are excerpts:

Several of our witnesses have employed the classic metaphor when talking of a necessity defense. There’s a house on fire, and a child crying from the window and there’s a no trespassing sign on the door. Can one ignore the sign, kick down the door and rescue the child?

It was a great privilege for us to hear Ramsey Clark, a master of understatement, who put it best. “Letting a baby burn to death because of a no trespass sign would be poor public policy.”

I submit that the house is on fire and babies are burning in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan because of the activities at Creech AFB.

The baby is burning also in the persons of the young people who are operating the drones from Creech AFB, who are suffering from post traumatic stress disorder at rates that even exceed that of their comrades in combat on the ground.

Colonel Ann Wright testified that soldiers do pay attention to what is going on in the public forum, and that they do respond to a “great debate” in the public sphere. There is no great debate going on about drone warfare in our country. Some have noted that the trend toward using drones in warfare is a paradigm shift that can be compared to what happened when an atomic bomb was first used to destroy the city of Hiroshima in Japan.

When Hiroshima was bombed, though, the whole world knew that everything had changed. Today everything is changing, but it goes almost without notice. I hesitate to claim credit for it, but there is certainly more discussion of this issue after we were arrested for trespassing at Creech AFB on April 9, 2009, than there was before.

Judge Jansen, we appreciate the close attention you’ve given to the testimony you’ve heard here. The question that you asked Bill Quigley, –“Aren’t there better ways of making change than breaking the law?”, is a question we are often asked and that we often ask ourselves.

It was a question that was asked of Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1963 when he was in jail in Birmingham, Alabama. Several clergy people of Birmingham wrote a letter to Dr. King asking him the very same questions that you asked Professor Quigley. Isn’t there a better way? Why sit-ins? Why marches, why protests? Isn’t negotiation the better way?

Dr. King’s reply to these questions — in his famous Letter from the Birmingham Jail, which is regarded by many as one of the finest things ever written in the English language — heartily agreed that negotiation is the better way. But, he said that a society that refuses to face crucial issues needs “nonviolent gadflies” using direct action to raise the level of awareness and raise the level of “creative tension” for a society to rise from the depths of monologue to the majestic heights of dialogue, where the great debate that Colonel Ann Wright says we need, can happen.

The house is on fire. And we fourteen are ones who have seen the smoke from the fire and heard the cries of the children. We cannot be deterred by a No Trespassing sign from going to the burning children.

As he finished, Brian burst into tears and sat down. Many in the courtroom wept. Then Judge Jansen stunned us by announcing that he needed three months to “think about all of this” before he could render a verdict. He marked twenty five years on the bench just the day before, he said, and this was his first trespassing case and he wanted to make the best decision he could. There is more at stake here than the usual meaning of trespassing, he noted. The prosecutors were clearly frustrated and disappointed. With that, we were assigned a court date of January 27, 2011 to hear the verdict. As he left, he thanked the fourteen of us and the audience, and then seemed to give a benediction: “Go in peace!” Everyone applauded.

“By all accounts, the Creech 14 trial is the first time in history an American judge has allowed a trial to touch on possible motivations of anti-drone protesters,” the local paper said.

While I wish he had immediately found us Not Guilty and sent a signal to the U.S. military that these weapons are illegal, it was astonishing to watch this judge begin with his hostile directives and then slowly listen to the testimony of our friendly experts, and then conclude that he needed more time to seriously consider their argument. That alone was a minor victory. I wish everyone in the United States would take time to reconsider our drone program, beginning with the president, the Secretary of State, Pentagon officials, military officers, and Creech Air Force Base employees. The more one thinks about it, the more we realize how terrifying it is, and the harm it will inflict on the whole world for generations to come.

We saw that future as we walked onto Creech Air Force Base on April 9, 2009. We wanted to rescue the children and civilians who are being killing by our “Unmanned Aerial Vehicles,” as they’re called.

I hope and pray the judge will “think” about the drones, and issue a verdict on our behalf, on behalf of all the victims of our drones, on behalf of the world’s children, that we might reject the drones, learn nonviolent ways to resolve international conflict, and let everyone live in peace.

John Dear is a Jesuit priest, activist, and author of 25 books on peace and nonviolence. His latest book, Daniel Berrigan: Essential Writings (Orbis), along with other recent books, A Persistent Peace and Put Down Your Sword, as well as Patricia Normile’s John Dear On Peace, are available from www.amazon.com. To contribute to Catholic Relief Services’ “Fr. John Dear Haiti Fund,” go to: http://donate.crs.org/goto/fatherjohn. He writes a weekly column for the National Catholic Reporter at www.ncronline.org. For further information, see: www.johndear.org.

Military use of Kulani nixed

Last Thursday,  DMZ-Hawai’i / Aloha ‘Aina and allies testified at the Hawai’i State Board of Land and Natural Resources meeting against the transfer of the former Kulani prison land to the Hawaii National Guard for a Youth ChalleNGe Academy (YCA) and military training.

Testimony was overwhelmingly against the militarization of Kulani.

We scored two wins that day and had one setback.

First, the board approved protection for 6600 acres of pristine rain forest with the Natural Areas Reserve System designation, the highest level of protection for the environment.

Second, we  stopped the proposed military training in the 600 acre Kulani site.

The setback: the board still approved 600 acres of the Kulani site to be transferred to the Hawaii National Guard to establish a military school. There was no community participation in determining the best and highest use for the area.  Three people requested a contested case hearing.  Senator Kokubun also said he opposed the closing of Kulani prison and was going to seek legislative remedies to either reopen the prison or reject the set aside of the land to the military.

The state erroneously stated that there were no other users for the land.  But there are numerous programs that could utilize the facility and complement the conservation of the surrounding forest area in the culturally appropriate way.  For example ‘Ohana Ho’opakele has requested to use areas in Kulani for a pu’uhonua ( a cultural-based healing center for substance abusers as an alternative to incarceration).  Also, Native Hawaiian charter schools could align their curriculum with conservation efforts at a site in Kulani.  But these options were precluded when the governor unilaterally decided to close Kulani prison and hand the land over to the military.

The Youth ChalleNGe project would be required to obtain a conditional use permit for using conservation land and an environmental review under the National Environmental Policy Act, since it is federally funded.

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http://www.hawaiitribune-herald.com/articles/2010/09/11/local_news/local01.txt

Military use of Kulani nixed

by Jason Armstrong
Tribune-Herald Staff Writer
Published: Saturday, September 11, 2010 7:38 AM HST

State panel approves youth camp but not National Guard training

Military training should be prohibited on the former Kulani prison property, but a quasi-military program for at-risk teens and an expanded conservation area allowed.

Those are the recommendations the state Board of Land and Natural Resources made at its meeting Thursday in Honolulu.

The Hawaii Department of Defense had sought approval to operate a pistol range, conduct explosives and building-entry training, and perform helicopter evacuations involving up to 170 soldiers at one time. Those activities were to occur on approximately 600 acres of the old Kulani Correctional Facility site located about 20 miles south of Hilo.

The land board, however, amended the request to -explicitly prohibit military uses and training, said secretary Adaline Cummings.

READ MORE

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In another Hawaii Tribune Herald article, State Representative Faye Hanohano shares her opposition to the closing of Kulani prison and transfer to the military:

A retired corrections officer, Hanohano heads the House Public Safety Committee. Her bill to audit the Department of Public Safety — emphasizing the closure of Kulani correctional facility and the state’s contracts that send local inmates to privately-run mainland facilities — was vetoed by Gov. Lingle. That spurred the majority leadership of both the House and Senate to send a letter to Legislative Auditor Marion Higa directing her audit DPS, anyway.

“The closing of Kulani should never have happened, with the military trying to take it over under the guise of the Youth ChalleNGe program,” she said. “… Now, you look at the (Tribune-Herald), you see a story that they want to do a training base center. That’s really unacceptable, because the military has lands that they’ve leased from the state, and at Pohakuloa.”

The state Land Board on Thursday denied the National Guard’s proposal for military training at Kulani by a 6-1 vote.

Peace Crimes

“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

John F. Kennedy, 1962

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Source: http://www.truth-out.org/peace-crimes62612

Peace Crimes

Sunday 12 September 2010

by: Diane Lefer, t r u t h o u t | Op-Ed

Hector Aristizábal lay on a table in Medellin, Colombia, his head covered with a black cloth. Twenty-eight years had passed since he was taken from his home by the US-trained military, secretly detained and tortured. Now, he had returned to his birthplace after years in exile in the US to spend a month working with peace and justice groups, and this night he was not in custody, but on stage. “Nightwind,” the play we created in 2004 about his experience and his brother’s abduction, torture and murder by a death squad, has toured the US and the world, including Afghanistan, to raise global opposition to the practice of torture. Performing it for the first time in Medellin, the city where the atrocities took place, Hector was nervous. He worried about the effect on the audience, people who had experienced these horrors first hand, but as he lay with his eyes covered, unable to see, he also felt vulnerable and worried for himself. Every day in Colombia, 20 people are disappeared. Massacres continue, as do right-wing paramilitary links to the Army and to high government officials and to the cocaine trade. Anyone could be in the audience – members of the military or paramilitary, that go on killing with impunity, and any one of them might decide, “This guy thinks he’s going to survive again. Not this time. Let’s finish the job.” Hector believed for the moment he was going to die.

While Hector was sweating it out on stage, I was back in Los Angeles and I was worried, too, because I was reading the text of Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, in which the Supreme Court on June 24 decided that training people in nonviolent conflict resolution and international human rights law can lead to 15 years in a federal prison for providing material support to a foreign terrorist organization.

The case was brought because retired administrative law Judge Ralph Fertig wanted to be sure he wouldn’t be prosecuted under the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 and the later provisions of the Patriot Act for continuing his longstanding work in nonviolence with the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) and in helping that group prepare a case to bring to the United Nations. The Carter Center joined with an amicus brief as much of Jimmy Carter’s work in monitoring elections and entering conflict zones could be ruled criminal. Court after court agreed Judge Fertig’s work was legitimate and protected, but the Obama administration appealed, with Elena Kagan (then solicitor general) offering the argument. The Roberts court once more managed to ignore the Constitution and at the same time overreach. According to Judge Fertig, who spoke to the American Civil Liberties Union in Santa Monica in July, the chief justice chastised Kagan for not arguing the case strenuously enough. The decision went even further than the government’s argument sought in its chilling effect on free association and speech.

In Medellin, I guess it is material support for terrorism when to enter the poorest, most marginalized neighborhoods bus drivers and taxi drivers are forced to pay a “vacuna” – vaccination against getting killed – to the illegal paramilitaries who seek to control who gets in and who gets out alive. Thanks to the Supreme Court, zones where peacemaking is most needed are now off limits. As Ahilan Arulanantham, director of immigrant rights and national security for the ACLU of Southern California, has pointed out, if the decision in Holder v. HLP had come down in 2004, the provision of disaster relief to tsunami-devastated civilians in the Tamil Tiger-controlled region of Sri Lanka would have been a crime.

I sat with the decision in my hands and thought about Rep. Keith Ellison of Minnesota, who intends to introduce a legislative fix, and will no doubt endure a continuation of the personal attacks on him and his Muslim faith.

I thought a good argument can be made (by me, not by the Roberts court) that the US government’s real fear is not of terrorists, but of the “interference” of citizen diplomacy and humanitarian NGOs that provide alternatives to the default military response in conflict zones.

I thought that, as a US taxpayer, I’ve provided material support to state-sponsored terrorism and torture.

I thought of the “Nightwind” performance and discussion Hector and I offered in Los Angeles at a mosque that has been under attack because it was built with Saudi support, and two of the 9/11 hijackers at one time worshiped there. Were there any radical Islamists present? I doubt it, but I rather hope so. What a perfect audience for us to reach with a play that shows a torture survivor ultimately refusing the option of violence.

I thought of the work Hector has done on the West Bank to bring Israeli rabbinical students and Palestinian activists together. Did he first screen the participants to make sure there was no link to Hamas? I don’t think so.

I thought about how tired I am of hearing the Palestinian people blamed for not having produced a Martin Luther King Jr. or a Gandhi. In 1983, clinical psychologist Mubarak Awad established the Palestinian Center for the Study of Nonviolence. Five years later, when his work training people in the philosophy and practice of nonviolent civil disobedience was having an effect and showing success, an alarmed Israeli government had him deported from the occupied territories.

Meanwhile, in Medellin, the performance continued as Hector carried the audience with him through his pain, his desire for violent revenge and his transformation of that passion and energy into the commitment to work peacefully for justice.

The performance ended, but not the experience. Trained as a psychologist as well as an actor and director, Hector had audience members join him in a workshop he designed to allow them to express their emotions and release pain. People cried, screamed, remembered friends and family members who had been killed or disappeared.

“We need this,” said one of the event organizers. “All of us need healing but the programs we have here now bring together paramilitaries (from the AUC, designated by the US a foreign terrorist organization) and guerrillas (including from the FARC, designated by the US as a foreign terrorist organization) and we ask people to tell their terrible stories. Then everyone goes home devastated. They go home alone.”

If you reopen the wound, you have to offer medicine. We want to return to Colombia next year to offer medicine, but if we do that, are we facing criminal prosecution when we return home?

As Hector says in our book, “The Blessing Next to the Wound: A Story of Art, Activism and Transformation,” “I like to think the work I do now is preparing me to go back to Colombia one day and sit in the same room with a worker, a peasant, a military person whose institution tortured me, a paramilitary like the ones who killed my brother, a guerrilla who would probably want to kill me because of how I criticized his movement and a CEO from a big company that I’ve called evil and we will talk about how we can all work together to rebuild our country.” I guess that makes Hector a terrorist.

I guess governments have figured out it’s easy to justify violence against a violent opponent and a terrorist is, therefore, the preferred adversary. Especially when the terrorist is the nonperson we must treat as radioactive and never talk to.

To governments like our own in thrall to the military-industrial complex and the illusion of military victory and the desire for top-down control, there’s only one reason nonviolent mass movements pose a threat: They work.

Diane Lefer is an author, playwright and activist whose books include “The Blessing Next to the Wound: A Story of Art, Activism and Transformation” (Lantern Books, 2010), co-authored with Colombian exile Hector Aristizábal and the short-story collection “California Transit” (Sarabande Books, 2007), which received the Mary McCarthy Prize in Short Fiction. She is a frequent contributor of articles to LA Progressive.

“Stryker Advise and Assist Brigade”?

According to the Tacoma News Tribune the Hawai’i-based 2nd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division is now called the Stryker Advise and Assist Brigade:

the Defense Department is using kinder, gentler terminology to describe its deployed units in Iraq, now that President Obama has pulled out all “combat” troops.

For example, according to a casualty press release we read, the 2nd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division out of Schofield Barracks, Hawaii, is now called a “Stryker Advise and Assist Brigade” rather than the traditional “Stryker Brigade Combat Team” – even though the soldiers are presumably still driving the same 20-ton vehicles equipped with the same .50-caliber guns, grenade launchers, etc. And even though they are still dying in combat engagements with enemy fighters.

That brigade, by the way, is taking part in “Operation New Dawn,” according to the same press release. The name has a slightly different flavor than the longstanding “Operation Iraqi Freedom.”


But apparently the Iraqis don’t like the advice and assistance they are getting. Michael O’Brien writes in antiwar.com that ‘First US Soldiers in Iraq ‘Non-War’ Killed’:

The first two US soldiers to die in Iraq since Barack Hussein Obama told the country (and the world) that we were no longer at war there were killed on Tuesday, September 7, 2010. To those with a shred of logic and common sense, this poses a problem: if we’re not at war, how do we classify their deaths? If we’re not at war, as Obama and Biden tell us, I guess that makes the deaths of these two soldiers the equivalent of a training accident, or maybe the equivalent of a bar fight gone wrong. If we’re not at war they aren’t combat casualties. Obama and Biden have made it so. The insurgent who killed these soldiers must not have gotten the word when Joe Biden was over there a week ago. Someone needs to tell him the war is over and to go home. Maybe Joe will go back and do that.

Missile programme raises concern in Hawaii

http://www.rnzi.com/pages/news.php?op=read&id=55776

Missile programme raises concern in Hawaii

Posted at 04:30 on 09 September, 2010 UTC

A Kauai resident in Hawaii says people are divided over the issue to expand a military missile programme to develop ballistic missile testing from the island.

Juan Wilson says some residents support the military, saying it brings jobs and incomes in economically tough times.

But he says others are concerned about the environmental damage to sea life, the atmosphere and the land.

He says while there is the US military’s push to grow its presence in the Pacific region, there’s increasing concern about people’s safety on a small remote island, like Kauai, if the military’s expansion plans continue.

“For one thing it makes us a target here which we don’t particularly like. If there were the things that the military anticipates, major conflicts that uses weapons systems of the kind that they are developing, we would be ground zero.”

Kauai resident, Juan Wilson.

US troops ‘murdered Afghan civilians and kept body parts’

This is the mission?  War distorts our morality and steals the humanity of both the killers and the dead.  The lands of Makua, Pohakuloa and Lihu’e should not be used to support the illegal and immoral occupation of other countries.

BBC reports:

US troops ‘murdered Afghan civilians and kept body parts’

A group of US soldiers murdered a number of Afghan civilians and took body parts as trophies, documents released by military officials allege.

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