Marine veteran rape survivor sees her story as cautionary tale

http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/metropolitan/6928834.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+houstonchronicle%2Ftopheadlines+%28chron.com+-+Top+Stories

Marine veteran sees her story as cautionary tale

By LINDSAY WISE HOUSTON CHRONICLE

March 24, 2010, 8:23PM

Sarah had been stationed at Camp Pendleton in California for less than a week when a fellow Marine crawled through her barracks window and sexually assaulted her.

The next morning, Sarah reported the assault to a senior noncommissioned officer.

“He’s a good Marine,” the supervisor told her. “It was a misunderstanding.”

Sarah just turned around and walked off. “It was pointless,” she said. “I knew nothing was going to be done.”

While some friends and relatives are unaware of what happened at Pendleton four years ago, the 27-year-old Marine Corps veteran from the Houston area agreed to share her story because she hopes it will encourage other survivors of military sexual trauma to pursue justice and get help.

“Otherwise it’s going to end up eating you alive,” she said.

(“Sarah” is not this woman’s real name. The Houston Chronicle typically does not identify victims of sexual assault.)

Reports of sexual assault are up 11 percent in the military, and 30 percent in Iraq and Afghanistan, according to Department of Defense statistics released last week.

There were 3,230 reports of sexual assault involving military personnel as either victims or perpetrators in fiscal year 2009, including 215 in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Military officials attribute the rise to an increase in reporting, rather than more incidents. Critics complain the Pentagon is trying to put a positive “spin” on the data.

“We’re not spinning anything, and there is no way to make sexual assaults positive,” said Dr. Kaye Whitley, director of the Defense Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office. “I can tell you that it’s just something that we’re not going to tolerate in the military. … We’re putting a lot of resources toward (reducing) sexual assaults and putting a lot of resources into making sure victims are being taken care of.”

Incident ended her career

Last year, the Department of Defense launched a prevention and awareness campaign to reduce stigma and encourage victims of sexual assault to come forward. The department also intensified training for commanders and publicized a confidential “restricted reporting” option that gives service members access to medical and mental health care without notifying the chain of command or initiating an investigation.

That’s not good enough, said Rachel Natelson, legal and policy adviser to Service Women’s Action Network, a New York-based advocacy group. Natelson said service members need to be able to take their complaints to an outside body such as the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

Natelson said if victims could sue the military for damages, their cases would be taken more seriously. “Right now the military is pretty much left to police itself,” she said.

Sarah said she knew her career was over as soon as she walked out of that senior NCO’s office.

“You report a rape or a sexual assault of any kind, or a sexual harassment, and nobody wants to have anything to do with you,” she said. “You are labeled, you are isolated. I’ve seen it happen to several Marines. … Everybody knows what is going on and everybody talks about it.”

Sarah had to live and work on the same base as the man who had assaulted her. She became withdrawn and depressed.

“You know steel wool? We would use those in our barracks to clean our rooms,” Sarah said. “I would go in the shower and scrub myself with those pads because I felt so horrible and I felt so disgusting.”

She later learned the Marine who had assaulted her also attacked several other women.

“If I would’ve yelled just a little louder or if I would’ve said something to somebody else, maybe he wouldn’t have been able to do anything to them,” Sarah said. “I still carry that guilt around.”

Her assailant eventually was court-martialed and sentenced to a lengthy prison term for assaulting Sarah, three other female Marines and one female sailor, she said.

Finally found her voice

Sarah took an honorable discharge and moved back to Texas.

“All I wanted was to be a Marine,” she said. “That’s all I ever wanted and I knew after this happened and after that morning, I knew it was over. And I would give anything in the world to be back in the mindset that I was before that day, and be a Marine again.”

At first Sarah couldn’t move on. She couldn’t even bring herself to leave the house.

“I spent every day on a computer researching sex offenders and where they lived,” she said. “I can still tell you every address in my hometown where sex offenders live, their names, their date of birth.”

Sarah was diagnosed with post traumatic stress disorder. She receives treatment and disability compensation through the Department of Veterans Affairs.

She started a support group with other survivors of sexual assault. And she found a voice.

“If you don’t report it, you’re going to be a victim for the rest of your life,” she said. “And it might be harder to report it at the time, but in the end you do start to get closure and you start to trust people again, by talking about it.”

lindsay.wise@chron.com

RESOURCES FOR SERVICE MEMBERS, VETERANS

Department of Defense: www.myduty.mil/

Texas Veterans Commission: Call 800-252-VETS (8387) or go to www.tvc.state.tx.us/

Service Women’s Action Network: Call 888-729-2089 or write to peersupport@servicewomen.org. Make sure to leave a name, telephone number, and the best time to call you. A caseworker will return your call within 24-48 hours.

National Sexual Assault Hotline: 800-656-HOPE

Department of Veterans Affairs: Military Sexual Trauma counselors are located at both the Michael E. DeBakey VA Medical Center and Houston-area Vet Centers. At the medical center, contact Audrey Dawkins-Oliver, LCSW, 713-791-1414, ext. 6881. At the Vet Centers, contact Helen Civitello, LCSW, 713-523-0884. Online, visit http://www.womenvetsptsd.va.gov/

Ft. Bragg Soldier faces multiple charges including rape and attempted rape – a growing trend

MS. Magazine Blog

http://msmagazine.com/blog/blog/2010/03/19/soldier-as-rapist-all-too-common/

Soldier As Rapist: All Too Common

March 19, 2010 by Natalie Wilson

Fort Bragg soldier Spc. Aaron Pernell, 22, an indirect fire infantryman who has served two tours in Iraq, was charged with sexual assault in February. Pernell appeared in court Tuesday on 13 charges including rape and attempted rape. What’s unique about these charges are that they were made at all: thousands of other military rapists have escaped punishment in the past fifteen years, according to the Denver Post in its excellent investigative series [PDF].

As the Ms. Blog recently reported, a new Pentagon study confirms that militarized sexual violence (MSV) is on the rise. Yet, while crimes such as those Pernell is charged with are all too common, perpetrators regularly escape punishment and often re-enter the civilian world with no criminal record.

Since one-third of women who join the military are raped or sexually assaulted by fellow soldiers, we must recognize that the soldier as rapist is all too common. Given that rape and sexual assault rates rise in the civilian world during wartime, we must also recognize that militarized sexual violence is trickling down into our communities. As more soldiers return home, we can expect more crimes like those Pernell is charged with.

In fact, areas surrounding military bases have already seen increasing numbers of sexual assault. Stacy Bannerman, author of When the War Came Home, calls this “collateral damage,” writing:

In the past five years, hundreds, if not thousands, of women have been beaten, assaulted, or terrorized when their husbands, fiancés, or boyfriends got back from Iraq. Dozens of military wives have been strangled, shot, decapitated, dismembered, or otherwise murdered when their husbands brought the war on terror home.

The practice of granting moral waivers–which allow people to enlist who have records of domestic violence, sex crimes, and manslaughter–may also exacerbate rates of MSV. Further, as Professor Carol Burke documents, many soldiers enlist as teenagers to escape troubled or violent homes. Since such abuse (if not addressed) tends to be cyclical, filling our military ranks with abuse survivors without addressing childhood trauma, offering psychological counseling, or implementing anti-abuse training, is a recipe for continued violence. These factors, in conjunction with the prevalence of PTSD (post-traumatic-stress-disorder) in returning soldiers, which has been linked to enacting violence, likely means that rates of MSV will not be going down anytime soon.

Though Pernell’s case is a horrific one, sadly it is far from unique. To read more on this subject, watch for my feature article in the upcoming Spring issue of Ms. magazine.

ABOVE: Mug shot of Aaron Pernell.

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Fayetteville, NC Observer

http://www.fayobserver.com/Articles/2010/03/17/983941

Published: 06:30 AM, Wed Mar 17, 2010

Rape suspect appears in District Court

By Nancy McCleary <http://www.fayobserver.com/help/staff/nancy-mccleary>
Staff writer

Spc. Aaron Pernell, wearing his full dress Army uniform, stared straight ahead and showed no emotion Tuesday when he appeared in District Court on charges including rape and attempted rape.

The 22-year-old spoke only when asked by Judge David Hasty if he had filled out an affidavit for a court-appointed lawyer.

“No, I did not fill it out, your honor,” Pernell said in a loud, clear voice.

It was the first appearance in Cumberland County for Pernell, who faces 13 charges including two counts of first-degree rape and three counts each of attempted rape and burglary.

Pernell has been charged by Fayetteville police with three attacks on women from October to December 2008 in single-family homes in the area of Cliffdale Road and the Water’s Edge neighborhood.

One of the women was raped, police said.

Some of the victims and their family members attended the hearing at the Cumberland County Detention Center. They sat in the front row of the small gallery and declined to speak to reporters.

A blonde-haired woman sitting on the front row took deep breaths moments before Pernell’s case was called. She stared down at her hands during part of the brief court appearance.
Three county deputies flanked the two benches where the victims and the families sat and escorted them out of the building.

Robert Cooper, a Fayetteville lawyer, was appointed to represent Pernell.

Hasty reviewed the charges with Pernell and asked if he understood that if he is found guilty, he could be sentenced to nearly 200 years in prison.

Pernell said yes.

His bail was set at $6 million.

Pernell was to be returned to the custody of military police from Fort Bragg, where he is being held.

Earlier Tuesday, Pernell appeared in District Court in Hoke County, where he is accused of breaking into three homes in the Raeford area between April and August 2009 and sexually assaulting three women.

His bail in Hoke County was set at $5 million.

Pernell also is charged with breaking into two homes and raping a woman on Fort Bragg in December.

Pernell, an indirect fire infantryman assigned to the 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment of the 82nd Airborne Division, is in the custody of the military.

Military officials contend the Uniform Code of Military Justice should apply in civilian court, according to Debbie Tanna, a spokeswoman for the Cumberland County Sheriff’s Office.

The code doesn’t allow pictures from courtroom proceedings, and Army officials sought to have that applied during Tuesday’s proceedings, Tanna said.

Before the hearing, Chief District Court Judge Beth Keever issued an order banning cameras from the proceedings, Tanna said.

Keever was not available to discuss her decision.

After Pernell was charged Feb. 2 by the military, Fayetteville police said he was a “person of interest” in seven attacks reported in the city between June and January.

However, members of a regional task force created to investigate the attacks – which include an attempted rape in Hope Mills – announced Friday they are looking for someone else in those cases.

Staff writer Nancy McCleary can be reached at mcclearyn@fayobserver.com or 486-3568.

Women’s Rights Groups Urge the Philippines to Rethink Guam Military Buildup Bid


For Immediate Release

Contact: Ellen-Rae Cachola

Women’s Rights Groups Urge the Philippines to Rethink Guam Military Buildup Bid

By Ellen-Rae Cachola and Terry Bautista

March 1, 2010

In his statement to the press, Mayor James Gordon Jr. spoke with nostalgia about U.S. military presence in Olongapo and across the Philippines. He said that for Olongapo, the Guam military buildup represents the “third wave of progress,” and that “first, when the Americans built their bases here, Olongapo became a city. Second, when they left, we were able to convert their facilities into a free port zone. Now, we are going to supply most of their skilled labor.”

But these waves of “progress” have had troubling consequences on the health, environment and safety of communities surrounding U.S. bases, like Olongapo. Women’s organizations in the Philippines have first hand accounts on the adverse affects of US bases in Olongapo and Subic.  U.S. bases have led to a rise in sex trafficking, prostitution, and violence against women and children. Women who have worked in the industry say that catering to the bases and “Rest and Recreation” of soldiers were the available jobs. Effects of these industries were sexual exploitation, sexually transmitted diseases and reproductive health issues.  Many Amerasian children have not been recognized nor received assistance from their soldier fathers. Also, these bases have left behind toxic pollution that raised serious concerns for long-term environmental and public health. Grassroots groups in the Philippines, including Metro Subic Network and BUKLOD, have worked to address these issues and push for responsibility. But today, the Philippines is tied to U.S. military aid because of treaties like the Visiting Forces Agreement.  Now, this third wave of “progress” will heavily impact Guam, a Pacific Island neighbor to the Philippines.

Filipinos and Guam share histories of colonialism under Spain, Japan and the U.S.  Both countries have been used for geopolitical strategy, wars, market expansionism, and natural resource extraction. Residents in both countries were recruited into the U.S. military for economic purposes.  As Filipinas living in the U.S., we are products of Filipino military servicemen, and workers who were able to gain U.S. citizenship through their labor. Many times, immigrants and refugees come to the U.S., open businesses in poor neighborhoods, and alienate those already residing in these more depressed sections of urban areas.  The Philippine nation has incurred so much debt from the World Bank and other development loans, that the pressure to achieve economic independence has been delegated to its individual citizens.  What is happening in Guam is like a “frontier” in which previously colonized peoples are able to act as settlers, to participate in the profits of modern development.  However, blind complicity to this will silence how people in the Philippines and Guam are actively seeking alternatives to U.S. military and corporate development.

In September 2009, the 7th International Women’s Network Against Militarism (IWNAM) met in Guam, convening women leaders from communities in Australia, Belau, Chuuk, Hawai’i, Japan, Okinawa, Northern Mariana Islands, Palau, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, South Korea and mainland United States to discuss and strategize about the U.S. historic and impending military build up in their countries. The military build up in Guam is to relocate a Marines Base from Okinawa. Lisa Linda Natividad, PhD, says that the history of U.S. military development in Guam has furthered “dispossession of [CHamoru] people from ancestral lands, alarming rates of diseases, environmental contamination and degradation, a segregated school system, suppression of traditional methods in fishing and hunting, and the ongoing deferment of the CHamoru right to self-determination as defined by the United Nations.” People in Guam are now demanding a stop to the military build up because of the ecological, health, cultural and moral impacts that base expansion would have upon an already fragile island ecosystem. The island is only 30 miles long and approximately 5 miles wide. According to Olongapo Mayor James Gordon Jr., about 20,000 workers are needed to build the naval base for 14,200 Marines and their dependents.  “Genuine security does not come from military security,” says Sabina Perez of Chamoru organization Famoksaiyan; “it comes from healing and nurturing our communities.”

The Philippines bid to aid the US military buildup of Guam, without reconsidering its negative impacts, turns a blind eye to the history and present day impacts of U.S. military bases in the Philippines. Governments in U.S., Guam and Philippines should support new ways to forge economic development that is not based on exploitation or perpetuating wars.  Citizens in these countries are already thinking of alternatives. It is up to governments and leaders in the community to be accountable to their citizenry.

For more info: Contact Ellen-Rae Cachola at ellenraec@yahoo.com or visit Women for Genuine Security, http://www.genuinesecurity.org

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Time: The War Within for women in uniform

http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1968110,00.html

The War Within

By NANCY GIBBS Monday, Mar. 08, 2010

What does it tell us that female soldiers deployed overseas stop drinking water after 7 p.m. to reduce the odds of being raped if they have to use the bathroom at night? Or that a soldier who was assaulted when she went out for a cigarette was afraid to report it for fear she would be demoted — for having gone out without her weapon? Or that, as Representative Jane Harman puts it, “a female soldier in Iraq is more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire.”

The fight over “Don’t ask, don’t tell” made headlines this winter as an issue of justice and history and the social evolution of our military institutions. We’ve heard much less about another set of hearings in the House Armed Services Committee. Maybe that’s because too many commanders still don’t ask, and too many victims still won’t tell, about the levels of violence endured by women in uniform.

The Pentagon’s latest figures show that nearly 3,000 women were sexually assaulted in fiscal year 2008, up 9% from the year before; among women serving in Iraq and Afghanistan, the number rose 25%. When you look at the entire universe of female veterans, close to a third say they were victims of rape or assault while they were serving — twice the rate in the civilian population.

The problem is even worse than that. The Pentagon estimates that 80% to 90% of sexual assaults go unreported, and it’s no wonder. Anonymity is all but impossible; a Government Accountability Office report concluded that most victims stay silent because of “the belief that nothing would be done; fear of ostracism, harassment, or ridicule; and concern that peers would gossip.” More than half feared they would be labeled troublemakers. A civilian who is raped can get confidential, or “privileged,” advice from her doctors, lawyers, victim advocates; the only privilege in the military applies to chaplains. A civilian who knows her assailant has a much better chance of avoiding him than does a soldier at a remote base, where filing charges can be a career killer — not for the assailant but the victim. Women worry that they will be removed from their units for their own “protection” and talk about not wanting to undermine their missions or the cohesion of their units. And then some just do the math: only 8% of cases that are investigated end in prosecution, compared with 40% for civilians arrested for sex crimes. Astonishingly, about 80% of those convicted are honorably discharged nonetheless.

The sense of betrayal runs deep in victims who joined the military to be part of a loyal team pursuing a larger cause; experts liken the trauma to incest and the particular damage done when assault is inflicted by a member of the military “family.” Women are often denied claims for posttraumatic stress caused by the assault if they did not bring charges at the time. There are not nearly enough mental-health professionals in the system to help them. Female vets are four times more likely to be homeless than male vets are, according to the Service Women’s Action Network, and of those, 40% report being victims of sexual assault. (See pictures of an army town coping with PTSD.)

Experts offer many theories for the causes: that military culture is intrinsically violent and hypermasculine, that the military is slow to identify potential risks among raw young recruits, that too many commanders would rather look the other way than acknowledge a breakdown in their units, that it has simply not been made a high enough priority. “A lot of my male colleagues believe that the only thing a general needs to worry about is whether he can win a war,” says Congresswoman Loretta Sanchez of the Armed Services Committee. “People are not taking this seriously. Commanding officers in the field are not understanding how important this is.”

But there are some signs that both Congress and the Pentagon are getting serious about this problem. It is now possible for victims to seek medical treatment without having to report the crime to police or their chain of command. More field hospitals have trained nurse practitioners to treat the victims; more bases have rape kits. “More than ever,” Sanchez says, “I believe that our leadership at the very top is beginning to realize that they need to be proactive.”

According to a report by the Defense Task Force on Sexual Assault in the Military Services, the progress made so far remains “evident, but uneven.” The failure to provide a basic guarantee of safety to women, who now represent 15% of the armed forces, is not just a moral issue, or a morale issue. What does it say if the military can’t or won’t protect the people we ask to protect us?

Read more: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1968110,00.html#ixzz0gtly1EcZ

Navy employee gets 10 years for sexual abuse of minor in Okinawa

http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/sex-offender-sentenced-to-ten-years-in-prison-for-sexual-abuse-of-a-minor-first-military-extraterritorial-jurisdiction-act-case-on-guam-84515957.html

Sex Offender Sentenced to Ten Years in Prison for Sexual Abuse of a Minor: First Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act Case on Guam

HAGATNA, Guam, Feb. 16 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ — Leonardo M. Rapadas, United States Attorney for the Districts of Guam and the Northern Marina Islands (NMI), announced that defendant Bruce Carey Wood, age 56, was sentenced today in the District Court of Guam by Chief Judge Frances Tydingco-Gatewood. Wood was remanded to the U.S. Marshal Service to await designation of a correctional facility. Wood received a sentence of 10 years in prison and three years supervised release, for sexual abuse of a minor, in violation of Title 18, United States Code Section 2243(a) & 3261(a). Wood was indicted on July 29, 2009 and entered a guilty plea on Oct. 5, 2009.

This case is the first Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act (MEJA) case prosecuted on Guam. Defendant Wood was employed as a civilian employee at Camp Shield Naval Base, Okinawa, Japan, when he knowingly engaged in a sexual act with a person who at that time was at least 12 but not yet 16, and at least four years younger than the defendant, between November 2000, and March 2008. The MEJA gives long arm jurisdiction to prosecute U.S. citizens outside the United States who commit criminal acts.

The case was prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Rosetta San Nicolas and investigated by Special Agents Brandon McKinnon and Kay Ean of the U.S. Naval Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS) in Okinawa, Japan. Credit is also given to special agents of NCIS, Guam, and the Navy legal service offices in Guam and Okinawa, for their invaluable assistance. The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children who conducted computer forensics is also credited.

U.S. Attorney Rapadas said, “This is proof that no one is beyond the law. MEJA allows us to reach out and prosecute U.S. citizens who commit crimes outside the United States.”

SOURCE U.S. Department of Justice

RELATED LINKS

http://www.justice.gov

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http://www.guampdn.com/article/20100217/NEWS01/2170319/Man-sentenced-for-abusing-teen

Man sentenced for abusing teen

By Laura Matthews • Pacific Daily News llmatthews@guampdn.com • February 17, 2010

A civilian employee at a U.S. military base in Okinawa was sentenced on Guam yesterday to 10 years in federal prison for sexually abusing — for years — a boy known to him.

Bruce Carey Wood, 57, was turned over to the U.S. Marshals Service after District Court of Guam Chief Judge Frances Tydingco-Gatewood accepted his guilty plea to sexual abuse of a minor.

Wood will be under three years of supervised release after he gets out of prison and is required to register as a sex offender thereafter.

“You have committed a crime against a young child and the court cannot ignore that,” Tydingco-Gatewood said.

The maximum sentence for such a crime is 15 years, court documents state.

Wood was arrested last July after the victim reported the abuse to Naval Criminal Investigation Services officers the same month.

According to court documents, the boy told the officers that Wood sexually abused him when he was almost 13 years old. The documents further state that between March 27, 2005 through and including March 26, 2008, Wood “knowingly” engaged in a sexual act with the boy.

Okinawa employee

Between those years, Wood was employed by the Armed Forces as a civilian employee for approximately 22 years at the Crow’s Nest Club aboard Camp Shield Naval Base in Okinawa, Japan, according to court documents.

Before he was sentenced, Wood apologized to his family who joined the proceeding via teleconference.

“I pray for the day that we can start over and become a family. I hope that you can forgive me … please remember I love you very much.”

Ann Wright to speak on Violence Against Women in the Military

Violence Against Women in our Military Community

Join retired US Army Reserve Colonel Ann Wright as she talks about violence against women in the military, military families and women civilian contractors.

Thursday, February 25, 2010, 6:30pm

Location: Quaker Meeting House

2426 O’ahu Avenue, Honolulu,  HI 96822-1967

Sponsored by American Friends Service Committee, Kyle Kajihiro, 542-3668

Privatizing Women: Military Prostitution and the Iraq Occupation

This article is several years old, but it raises important issues about militarization and its impacts on women that are as relevant as ever today.   I have met Debra McNutt in meetings of anti-war  and demilitarization organizers.   Mahalo to Ann Wright for forwarding this article.

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http://www.counterpunch.org/mcnutt07112007.html

July 11, 2007

Military Prostitution and the Iraq Occupation

Privatizing Women

By DEBRA McNUTT

Military prostitution has long been seen around U.S. bases in the Philippines, South Korea, Thailand, and other countries. But since the U.S. has begun to deploy forces to many Muslim countries, it cannot be as open about enabling prostitution for its personnel. U.S. military deployments in the Gulf War, the Afghan War, and the Iraq War have reinvigorated prostitution and the trafficking of women in the Middle East.

Another major change has been the reliance of the U.S. military on private contractors, who have now surpassed the number of soldiers in Iraq. Public attention has begun to focus on the role of these contractors in U.S. war zones. Less attention has been paid to how private contractors are changing the nature of military prostitution. In the best known example, DynCorp employees were caught trafficking women in Bosnia, and some indications suggest that similar acts may be taking place in Iraq.

I am researching whether civilian contractors are enabling military sexual exploitation in Iraq, Afghanistan, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and other Muslim countries. My research is investigating new patterns of sexual exploitation of women by the U.S. for military purposes, and how institutionalized prostitution has changed as U.S. forces have been stationed in Muslim countries. I am especially interested in the possible role of civilian contractors in promoting prostitution of local women, or in importing foreign women into U.S. war zones under the guise of employment as cooks, maids or office workers.

I have come to this research as a feminist activist who has long worked on issues of women and militarism, influenced by women such as Cynthia Enloe, Katherine Moon, and Saralee Hamilton. I have organized against the sexual exploitation of Filipinas near U.S. military bases. More recently, I have worked on the related issues of sexual harassment and assault of women GIs within the U.S. military. I have also been actively opposed to the U.S. attacks on Iraq since the Gulf War.

During the brief Gulf War, the U.S. military prevented prostitution for its troops in Saudi Arabia, to avoid a backlash from its hosts. But on their return home, the troop ships stopped in Thailand for “R & R.” After the Gulf War, harsh economic sanctions forced many desperate Iraqi women into prostitution. The sex trade grew to such an extent that in 1999 Saddam ordered his paramilitary forces to crack down on it in Baghdad, resulting in the executions of many women.

The U.S. invasion of March 2003 brought prostitution back to Iraq within a matter of weeks. The Iraq War has now lasted eight times longer than the Gulf War deployments, and is marked by a huge reliance on private security contractors. A U.S. ban on human trafficking, signed by President Bush in January 2006, has not been applied to these contractors.

The rebirth of prostitution has generated fear that permeates all of Iraqi society. Families keep their girls inside, not only to keep them from being assaulted or killed, but to prevent them from being kidnapped by organized prostitution rings. Gangs are also forcing some families to sell their children into sex slavery. The war has created an enormous number of homeless girls and boys who are most vulnerable to the sex trade. It has also created thousands of refugee women who try to escape danger but end up (out of economic desperation) being prostituted in Jordan, Syria, Yemen or the UAE. Our occupation not only attacks women on the outside, but attacks them on the inside, until there is nothing left to destroy.

If foreign women are imported into Iraq for prostitution, they would almost certainly follow the already established channels of illegal labor trafficking, as documented in the Chicago Tribune series “Pipeline to Peril.” For example, independent journalist David Phinney has documented how a Kuwaiti contract company that imported workers to build the new U.S. Embassy compound in Baghdad’s Green Zone also smuggled women into the construction site.

Within the Green Zone, a few brothels have been opened (disguised as a women’s shelter, hairdresser, or Chinese restaurant) but are usually closed by authorities after reports about their existence reach the media. The U.S. military claims that it officially forbids its troops to be involved in prostitution. But private contractors brag on sex websites that they have sometimes been able to find Iraqi or foreign women in Baghdad or around U.S. military bases. These highly paid security contractors have much disposable income, and are not held accountable to anyone but their companies.

One contractor employee living in the Green Zone reported in February 2007 that “it took me 4 months to get my connections. We have a PSD [Personal Security Detail] contact who brings us these Iraqi cuties.” Western contractors’ e-mails also suggest that some Chinese, Filipina, Iranian and Eastern European women may also be prostituted to Americans and other Westerners within Iraq. (Other reports indicate that Chinese women might also be prostituted in Afghanistan, Qatar, and other Muslim countries where it may be difficult for rings to find local women.)

On leave from Iraq in 2005, Army Reservist Patrick Lackatt said that “For one dollar you can get a prostitute for one hour.” But as the war has escalated in Baghdad and the other Arab regions of Iraq, it has become too dangerous for Westerners to move around outside of the military bases and the Green Zone. Contractors are now advising each other to do their “R & R” in the safer northern Kurdish region, or in the bars and hotels of Dubai, the UAE emirate that has become the most open center of prostitution in the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile, any prostitution rings in Iraq have to go deeper underground to hide from Iraqi militias.

As observed by Sarah Mendelson in her 2005 Balkans report Barracks and Brothels, many U.S. government protocols and programs have been implemented to slow human trafficking, but without enforcement they end up merely as public relations exercises. Military officials often turn a blind eye to the exploitation of women by military and contract personnel, because they want to boost their men’s “morale.” The most effective way for the military to prevent a public backlash is to make sure that the embarrassing information is not revealed. It is not necessary to cover up information if it does not come out in the first place.

It has been difficult for me (and other researchers and journalists) to get to the bottom of this crisis. In his book Imperial Life in the Emerald City, Rajiv Chandrasekaran observed, “There were prostitutes in Baghdad, but you couldn’t drive into a town to get laid like in Saigon.” The question of who is behind the trafficking of people is as hard to crack as the trafficking of drugs (if not more so). It is difficult enough to track the widespread illegal trafficking of workers to Iraq. But the trafficking of Iraqi or foreign women for prostitution is even better concealed. The prostitution rings keep their tracks well hidden, and it is not in the interest of the military or its private contractors to reveal any information that may damage the war effort.

The fact that information is difficult to find, however, is a reason to intensify the search, and to make military prostitution a major issues of the women’s and antiwar movements. It is our tax dollars that fuel the war in Iraq, and if any women are exploited as a result of the occupation, we owe it to them to take responsibility for these crimes.

I am currently writing a larger report on my findings, and am seeking any input from researchers and journalists, military veterans, private contract employees, exiles and refugees, or former prostituted women who may shed light on military prostitution in the Middle East, and the role of the military and its private contractors.

My ultimate purpose is doing this research is not only to help expose these crimes against women, but to help build a movement to stop them. Missing from the discussions about Iraqi women’s rights is how the U.S. occupation is creating new oppressions that destroy women’s self-worth. It is our responsibility as Americans to stop our military’s abuses of women, by ending the occupation.

Debra McNutt is a feminist and antiwar activist and researcher living in Olympia, Washington. She can be contacted at debimcnutt@gmail.com

Prostitution debate should also look at prostitution of Hawai’i to military and tourism interests

There is a debate between advocates for the rights of persons who work in the sex trade.   One camp advocates decriminalization to end the legal victimization of prostitutes, many of whom are already victims of violent pimps, police harassment and other abuses. (Under decriminalization, laws against pimps and sex traffickers would still remain on the books.)   Another camp groups prostitution with sex trafficking and believes that decriminalization increases the danger of criminal sex trafficking enterprises operating freely.

As a major military hub and popular tourist destination, Hawai’i has been flagged as a place where the risk of human trafficking is high, especially the sex trafficking of minors.    As groups in Okinawa, Korea and the Philippines can attest, prostitution and trafficking are offspring of the military bases and the distorted economy they produce.    To address this problem in Hawai’i, we should rethink and change Hawai’i’s crippling dependency on the tourism-militarism economy.   When our entire social, cultural and economic system is structured to ‘service’ and give pleasure to tourist and military clients, we should expect prostitution to flourish as well.

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Red light

Local advocates differ on human trafficking and the sex trade

Karen Dion
Feb 10, 2010

Social ServicesWalk this way: Anti-trafficking efforts run afoul of sex-worker organizations. Image: Honolulu weekly file photo

Hawaii has a long history as a destination for traveling sex workers: in the 1930s and ’40s madams would send orders for mainland women to work Hotel Street’s brothels, which flourished until 1944 when the defacto legal system of prostitution ended.

Of course, criminalizing the profession has not abolished it.

“It’s estimated that there are about 1,000 people here who sell sex,” says Tracy Ryan of the local organization Arresting Prostitutes is Legal Exploitation, or APLE.

She says many of those are migrants, an issue that has gained visibility in recent years with increased media attention to the issue of human trafficking. But Ryan says sex work has become dangerously intermingled with human trafficking in the public consciousness. She rejects any assumption that migrant sex workers are by definition trafficking victims.

“Contrary to the myth, the overwhelming majority of international migrant sex workers crossed borders with the intention of working in prostitution upon arrival,” she said. “Studies from Europe, Asia and North America have all come to this conclusion.”

Accurate numbers of trafficking victims are difficult to ascertain, but the International Labour Organization estimates that there are at least 12.3 million people in forced labor worldwide, of which the ILO estimates that at least 1.4 million are victims of commercial sexual servitude.

Ryan and Pam Vessels formed APLE in 2001 to “educate the public on the facts about sex work and the harms done to people in this industry by criminal laws.”

First, do no harm?

Not everyone agrees with Ryan’s assessment.

Founded in 2009, Hawaii-based anti-human trafficking organization Pacific Alliance to Stop Slavery, or PASS, focuses on victims of trafficking into the sex industry “because that’s the bulk of where our victims come from,” says co-founder Kathy Xian. “There are already a lot of organizations that aid (other) labor victims, more than sex trafficking victims.”

PASS considers prostitution a “profoundly harmful institution,” opposes both legalization and decriminalization and links it directly to trafficking: “You cannot legalize prostitution because it will effect the burgeoning of forced prostitution.” Xian says.

Ryan, in turn, notes that several Hawaii groups claiming to help people in the sex industry have come and gone: “Unfortunately, many of them are simply moralizing groups staffed with untrained persons and relying on the rhetoric of radical feminist ideology rather than real evidence-based knowledge,” says Ryan, who claims that the trafficking rhetoric has become devalued by its adoption by “anti-prostitution groups.”

Ryan says the State Department of Human Services has numbers, from a 2008 report to the Hawaii Anti-Trafficking Task Force, that back her up.

“[It] concluded that over the prior eight years, only two victims had been identified,” she said. “This should indicate what we are really debating is prostitution law.”

APLE advocates for decriminalization of prostitution in Hawaii, saying it’s criminalization that puts sex workers in dangerous situations.

“Decriminalization allows johns and sex workers to engage in agreed acts without fear of the police and, by the same token, report abuse to the police,” Ryan says. “Laws against pimps or others who coerce and abuse sex workers would remain in full force, but would be easier to prosecute as the victims would no longer be criminals themselves.”

Xian, while agreeing that sex workers should not be arrested, says that removing criminal laws would turn over control of the industry to “very violent, criminal-minded people.”

But Ryan says that in order to help the victims of the sex industry, the focus must be narrowed.

“Going after johns because pimps are abusing prostitutes makes no more sense than shutting down the cotton industry would have made to addressing 19th century slavery,” she sayd.

APLE’s founders also argue that support for sex workers and decriminalization does not constitute a blanket support for the industry itself.

“APLE acknowledges the evil that is inherent in some forms of sex work and supports the efforts of others to aid those impacted by those harms,” says Vessels, “We also support the rights of adult sex workers to work and have autonomy over their work.”

The tower, the streets

Many anti-trafficking groups take an anti-prostitution stance and even those who are neutral on the issue are persuaded to pick a stance based on eligibility for funding. The Bush administration in 2003 introduced a policy that required all anti-trafficking and HIV/AIDS organizations to sign an Anti Prostitution Loyalty Oath, a mandatory pledge against commercial sex work, in order to receive federal funding. Non-government organizations applying for funding must declare themselves in opposition to prostitution and sex trafficking (but not any other kind of trafficking). Initially, the pledge only applied to overseas NGOs but in 2005 was expanded to cover U.S-based organizations as well.

Ryan says that APLE has worked with a variety of academics on the issue. APLE “is not aware of any academic in Hawaii who does not share our views,” she says.

But Xian says she prefers to go straight to the source.

“We are working with the actual victims,” she sayd. “I take with a big grain of salt anything any academic has to say about this because I have never seen an academic out on the streets of Waikiki or downtown.”

Finding common ground between the two groups remains problematic.

“I would like to see all of the organizations who are involved in any way with sex workers [have a] dialogue about the issues without all of the shouting that usually goes on,” says Vessels.

Army to Discharge Single Mom, Rather Than Court-Martial Her

http://www.truthout.org/army-discharge-single-mom-rather-than-court-martial-her56846

Army to Discharge Single Mom, Rather Than Court-Martial Her

Thursday 11 February 2010

by: Dahr Jamail, t r u t h o u t | Report

photo
Army Spc. Alexis Hutchinson with son Kamani Hutchinson. (Photo: Alexis Hutchinson / Oakland Tribune)

On Thursday, February 11, Army Specialist Alexis Hutchinson, a single mother of an infant son, was informed she would be granted an administrative discharge from the Army.

Last fall, Hutchinson was ordered to prepare to deploy to Afghanistan. On November 5, 2009, after her childcare plans fell through, Hutchinson was faced with the dilemma of having no one to take care of her son when she deployed to a war zone.

She chose not to show up for the plane to Afghanistan and missed her deployment. When she reported for duty the following day the Army arrested her and took away her son, who was allegedly placed in an Army day care. His grandmother, Angelique Hughes of Oakland, California, picked him up a few days later. Alexis was granted leave to go home for the holidays in December, and returned to Georgia with her baby, Kamani, in early January.

After Hutchinson returned to Georgia in January, the Army filed court-martial charges against her and refused to discharge her under the Army regulations that clearly allow for discharges for reasons of parenthood responsibility. Truthout broke the story on January 14.

Both Hutchinson and her civilian attorney, Rai Sue Sussman, are happy with the results. In a press release from Sussman’s office, Hutchinson said that she is “excited to know what will happen to me, and that I am not facing jail. This means I can still be with my son, which is the most important thing.” Hutchinson will receive an “Other Than Honorable” discharge, but will not be facing criminal charges at a court-martial, which would have subjected her to a bad-conduct discharge and up to a year in jail if she lost, as well as a criminal record.

“Alexis is pleased because she now will have closure and knows what is going to happen to her,” Sussman told Truthout. “She is no longer waiting to possibly go to trial and jail, all the while trying to figure out what to do with her child. She feels she was treated unfairly overall, but is relieved with this outcome.”

Until this recent decision, the Army had opted to court-martial Hutchinson as her commander believed she was attempting to get out of her Afghanistan deployment. Both Hutchinson and Sussman have consistently stated that Hutchinson always fully intended to deploy until her childcare plans fell through.

Hutchinson’s mother, Angelique Hughes, was thrilled with the recent news.

“I’m very happy,” Hughes told Truthout via telephone from her home in Oakland. “I just found out myself. I’m glad it worked out.”

However, Hughes was concerned about the fact that due to Hutchinson’s “Other Than Honorable” discharge, she will not maintain any of her benefits, like medical care for herself and her infant son.

“I don’t know why they didn’t give her an honorable discharge,” Hughes added. “Other single parents they’ve discharged got one. I’m glad they are letting her out, but now she lacks enough benefits … so it’s going to be a hard situation for her.”

Jeff Paterson, the director of the soldier advocacy group Courage to Resist, which has assisted Hutchinson, felt that the administrative discharge was a victory all around.

“From our perspective, since she didn’t deploy to Afghanistan, she has no injuries; we see this as a big success,” Paterson told Truthout. “She didn’t go to Afghanistan, she didn’t go to jail, she won’t be separated from her baby and she gets out of the Army. That’s what’s important.”

“I hoped she would have gotten a general discharge, but they seem to have had it out for her, so at least now she can move on,” Sussman explained. “I’ve never heard of a commander taking a child away from a person in this situation. But I think it’s a success, and we’re very excited to hear that they decided not to go ahead with the criminal charges.”

Base commanders at Hunter Army Airfield near Savannah, Ga., where Hutchinson was assigned, said in a statement Thursday, according to the San Francisco Chronicle, that an “investigation revealed evidence, from both other soldiers and from Pvt. Hutchinson herself, that she didn’t intend to deploy to Afghanistan with her unit and deliberately sought ways out of the deployment.”

Hutchinson chose not to speak to the media about the Army’s decision.

The Army has regulations regarding parents who miss deployment due to childcare plans falling through. The regulations call for an extension of time to find alternate caregivers, and to discharge a parent honorably if no solution is found.

Of these regulations, Sussman wrote on Thursday: “Here, the Army did not act according to their own regulations, and did not value the family responsibilities of this soldier. If they had, Spc. Hutchinson would not have been in this situation and would be getting a better discharge.”

Sussman told Truthout that she feels the way the Army handled Hutchinson’s situation “shows that it takes a lot of work to get the military to understand what single parents in the military are facing. Up until last week they wanted to court-martial her for choosing her child over her job.”

After Truthout reported that the Army had filed charges against Hutchinson, other media covered her situation, including several national outlets.

Speaking to Truthout about the role played by media coverage in Hutchinson’s situation, Sussman said. “I think that it kept her from being sent to Afghanistan to face a court-martial back in November.”

Brigadier General Jeffrey Phillips, Hutchinson’s commander at the Hunter Army Airfield Military Reservation near Savannah, Georgia, made the recent decision to allow an administrative discharge for Hutchinson.

While both Sussman and Hutchinson are pleased with the Army’s decision, Sussman feels that Hutchinson’s plight does not send a positive message to parents – especially single parents – who plan on joining the US military today.

“Her situation shows the Army is not really friendly to families,” Sussman told Truthout. “The lives of military families are very difficult and they often face a command that isn’t understanding or empathetic towards the situation of raising a child in that environment.”

Currently Hutchinson remains assigned to Hunter Army Airfield near Savannah, Georgia, where she has been posted since February 2008.

Hutchinson lives off post and places her son in day care when she goes to work.

Sussman told Truthout she believes Hutchinson should be discharged by the end of this month.

A Peril in War Zones: Sexual Abuse by Fellow G.I.’s

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/28/us/28women.html

Women at Arms

A Peril in War Zones: Sexual Abuse by Fellow G.I.’s

By STEVEN LEE MYERS

Published: December 27, 2009

BAGHDAD — Capt. Margaret H. White began a relationship with a warrant officer while both were training to be deployed to Iraq. By the time they arrived this year at Camp Taji, north of here, she felt what she called “creepy vibes” and tried to break it off.

Moises Saman for The New York Times

Specialist Erica A. Beck, a mechanic and gunner who served in in Iraq, recalled a sexual proposition she called “inappropriate.” She did not report it, she said, because she feared that her commanders would have reacted harshly — toward her.

Women at Arms

A Trust BetrayedArticles in this series explore how the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have profoundly redefined the role of women in the military.

Previous Articles in the Series »

Johan Spanner for The New York Times

Capt. Margaret H. White said she was sexually assaulted and harassed by a fellow soldier while serving in Iraq.

In the claustrophobic confines of a combat post, it was not easy to do. He left notes on the door to her quarters, alternately pleading and menacing. He forced her to have sex, she said. He asked her to marry him, though he was already married. He waited for her outside the women’s latrines or her quarters, once for three hours.

“It got to the point that I felt safer outside the wire,” Captain White said, referring to operations that take soldiers off their heavily fortified bases, “than I did taking a shower.”

Her ordeal ended with the military equivalent of a restraining order and charges of stalking against the officer. It is one case that highlights the new and often messy reality the military has had to face as men and women serve side by side in combat zones more than ever before.

Sexual harassment and sexual assault, which the military now defines broadly to include not only rape but also crimes like groping and stalking, continue to afflict the ranks, and by some measures are rising. While tens of thousands of women have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, often in combat, often with distinction, the integration of men and women in places like Camp Taji has forced to the surface issues that commanders rarely, if ever confronted before.

The military — belatedly, critics say — has radically changed the way it handles sexual abuse in particular, expanding access to treatment and toughening rules for prosecution. In the hardships of war, though, the effects of the changes remain unclear.

The strains of combat, close quarters in remote locations, tension and even boredom can create the conditions for abuse, even as they hinder medical care for victims and legal proceedings against those who attack them.

Captain White said she had feared coming forward, despite having become increasingly despondent and suffered panic attacks, because she was wary of she-said-he-said recriminations that would reverberate through the tightknit military world and disrupt the mission. Despite the military’s stated “zero tolerance” for abuse or harassment, she had no confidence her case would be taken seriously and so tried to cope on her own, Captain White said.

A Pentagon-appointed task force, in a report released this month, pointedly criticized the military’s efforts to prevent sexual abuse, citing the “unique stresses” of deployments in places like Camp Taji. “Some military personnel indicated that predators may believe they will not be held accountable for their misconduct during deployment because commanders’ focus on the mission overshadows other concerns,” the report said.

That, among other reasons, is why sexual assault and harassment go unreported far more often than not. “You’re in the middle of a war zone,” Captain White said, reflecting a fear many military women describe of being seen, somehow, as harming the mission.

“So it’s kind of like that one little thing is nothing compared with ‘There is an I.E.D. that went off in this convoy today and three people were injured,’ ” she said, referring to an improvised explosive device.

Common Fears

By the Pentagon’s own estimate, as few as 10 percent of sexual assaults are reported, far lower than the percentage reported in the civilian world. Specialist Erica A. Beck, a mechanic and gunner who served in Diyala Province in Iraq this summer, recalled a sexual proposition she called “inappropriate” during her first tour in the country in 2006-7. “Not necessarily being vulgar, but he, you know, was asking for favors,” she said.

She did not report it, she said, because she feared that her commanders would have reacted harshly — toward her.

“It was harassment,” she said. “And because it was a warrant officer, I didn’t say anything. I was just a private.”

Her fears were common, according to soldiers and advocates who remain skeptical of the military’s efforts to address abuse. A report last year by the Government Accountability Office concluded that victims were reluctant to report attacks “for a variety of reasons, including the belief that nothing would be done or that reporting an incident would negatively impact their careers.”

When Sgt. Tracey R. Phillips told a superior about an unwanted sexual advance from a private the night their unit arrived in Iraq in May, the accusations unleashed a flurry of charges and countercharges, an initial investigation of her on charges of adultery, a crime in the military justice system, and, according to her account, violations by her commanders of the new procedures meant to ease reporting of abuse.

In the end, she was kicked out of Iraq and the Army itself, while the private remained on duty here.

The military disputed her account but declined to state the reasons for sending her out of Iraq. Her paperwork showed that she received an honorable discharge, though with “serious misconduct” cited as the reason. The so-called misconduct, she said, stemmed from the Army’s allegation that she had had an inappropriate relationship with the private she accused. She denied that.

“If I would have never, ever, ever said anything, I wouldn’t be sitting here,” she said in an interview at her parents’ home near San Antonio. “I’d still be in Iraq.”

At bases around Iraq, many said that acceptance and respect for women in uniform were now more common than the opposite. In part, they said, that reflects a sweeping change in military culture that has accompanied the rise of women through the ranks and into more positions once reserved for men.

“It’s not tolerated — it’s just not,” said Lt. Brenda L. Beegle, a married military police officer, referring to sexual harassment and abuse.

In an interview at Liberty Base, near Baghdad’s airport, she said: “Everyone has heard stories about bad things that have happened. I’ve never had an issue.”

Although exact comparisons to the civilian world are difficult because of different methods of defining and reporting abuse, Pentagon officials and some experts say that the incidence of abuse in the military appears to be no higher than in society generally, and might be lower. It appears to be even lower in combat operations than at bases in the United States, because of stricter discipline and scrutiny during deployments, as well as restrictions on alcohol, which is often a factor in assaults, for example, on college campuses.

Complaints Increase

The number of complaints, though, is rising. Across the military, there were 2,908 reported cases of sexual abuse involving service members as victims or assailants, in the fiscal year that ended in September 2008, the last year for which the Pentagon made numbers available. That was an 8 percent increase from the previous year, when there were 2,688.

In the turbulent regions from Egypt to Afghanistan where most American combat troops are now deployed, the increase in reported cases was even sharper: 251 cases, compared with 174 the year before, a 44 percent increase. The number in Iraq rose to 143, from 112 the year before. Everyone agrees that those represent only a fraction of the instances of assault, let alone harassment.

“A woman in the military is more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire in Iraq,” Representative Jane Harman, a Democrat from California, said at a Congressional hearing this year, repeating an assertion she has made a refrain in a campaign of hers to force the military to do more to address abuses.

At least 10 percent of the victims in the last year were men, a reality that the Pentagon’s task force said the armed services had done practically nothing to address in terms of counseling, treatment and prosecution. Men are considered even less likely to report attacks, officials said, because of the stigma, and fears that their own sexual orientation would be questioned. In the majority of the reported cases, the attacker was male.

Senior Pentagon officials argued that the increase in reports did not necessarily signify a higher number of attacks. Rather, they said, there is now a greater awareness as well as an improved command climate, encouraging more victims to come forward.

“We believe the increase in the number of reported cases means the department is capturing a greater proportion of the cases that occurred during the year, which is good news,” said the Pentagon’s senior official overseeing abuse policies, Kaye Whitley.

The military can no more eradicate sexual abuse than can society in general, but soldiers, officers and experts acknowledge that it is particularly harmful when soldiers are in combat zones, affecting not only the victims but also, as the military relies more than ever on women when the nation goes to war, the mission.

“For the military the potential costs are even higher as it can also negatively impact mission readiness,” the Pentagon’s annual report on sexual abuse said, referring to sexual violence. “Service members risk their lives for one another and bear the responsibility of keeping fellow service members out of harm’s way. Sexual assault in the military breaks this bond.”

Even investigations into accusations, which are often difficult to prove, can disrupt operations. In Sergeant Phillips’s case, she was relieved of her duties leading a squad of soldiers refueling emergency rescue helicopters and other aircraft at Camp Kalsu, south of Baghdad.

Cases like hers suggest that the vagaries of sex and sexual abuse, especially in combat zones, continue to vex commanders on the ground, despite the transformation of the military’s policies.

The majority of sexual abuse allegations end with no prosecution at all. Of 2,171 suspects of investigations that were completed during the fiscal year that ended in September 2008, only 317 faced a court-martial. Another 515 faced administrative punishments or discharges. Nearly half of the completed investigations lacked evidence or were “unsubstantiated or unfounded.”

The Pentagon, facing criticism, maintains that it has transformed the way it handles sexual abuse. In the wake of the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as highly publicized cases and revelations of rampant abuse at the Air Force Academy in 2003, the Pentagon created a single agency to oversee the issue and rewrote the rules of reporting, treatment and prosecution. Beginning in October 2007, the Uniform Code of Military Justice expanded the provision that once covered rape — Article 120 — to include other offenses, like indecent exposure and stalking.

The Army, which has provided the bulk of the forces in Iraq, has increased the number of investigators and lawyers trained to investigate accusations. Most bases now have kits to collect forensic evidence in rape cases, which was not the case immediately after the invasion in 2003.

Larger field hospitals in Balad and Mosul now have the same type of sexual assault nurse examiners widely used in the civilian world, as well as a dozen other examiners who are not nurses but are trained to conduct forensic examinations.

The military has set up a system of confidential advisers women can turn to who are outside the usual chain of command — an avenue Sergeant Phillips said she had been denied.

If they want to, the women can now seek medical treatment and counseling without setting off a criminal investigation. And all the services have started educational programs to address aspects of a hierarchical warrior culture that some say contributes to hostility toward women. Posters for the campaign blanket bulletin boards in offices, chow halls and recreational buildings on bases across Iraq.

The military’s efforts, however well intentioned, are often undermined by commanders who are skeptical or even conflicted, suspicious of accusations and fearful that reports of abuse reflect badly on their commands. The Pentagon task force also reported that victims of assault did not come forward because they might “have engaged in misconduct for which they could be disciplined, such as under-age drinking, fraternization or adultery.”

Marti Ribeiro, then an Air Force sergeant, said she was raped by another soldier after she stepped away from a guard post in Afghanistan in 2006 to smoke a cigarette, a story first recounted in “The Lonely Soldier,” a book by Helen Benedictabout women who served in Iraq and elsewhere. When she went to the abuse coordinator, she was threatened with prosecution for having left her weapon and her post.

“I didn’t get any help at all, let alone compassion,” said Ms. Ribeiro, who has since retired and joined the Service Women’s Action Network, a new advocacy organization devoted to shaping the Pentagon’s policy.

The hardships of combat operations often compound the anguish of victims and complicate investigations, as well as counseling and treatment. The Government Accountability Office suggested that the “unique living and social circumstances” of combat posts heightened the risk for assault. Both the G.A.O. and the Pentagon’s task force found that, despite the Pentagon’s policy, remote bases did not have adequate medical and mental health services for victims. The task force also found that abuse coordinators and victim advocates were often ill trained or absent.

As a result, victims often suffer the consequences alone, working in the heat and dust, living in trailers surrounded by gravel and concrete blast walls, with nowhere private to retreat to. In Captain White’s case, she had to work and live beside the man who assaulted and stalked her until their deployment ended in August and they both went home.

“You’re in such a fishbowl,” she said. “You can’t really get away from someone. You see him in the chow hall. You see him in the gym.”

The Danger Nearby

Captain White’s case is typical of many here, according to military lawyers and experts, in that she knew the man she said assaulted her, circumstances that complicated the investigation and prosecution.

She had dated the warrant officer when they arrived in Fort Dix, N.J., for predeployment training with the 56th Stryker Combat Team. The newly revised article of the Uniform Code of Military Justice says that “a current or previous dating relationship by itself” does not constitute consent.

Once at Camp Taji, a sprawling base just north of Baghdad, she grew troubled by his behavior. He cajoled her with presents and sent her e-mail messages. She said that for fear of running into him, she stopped drinking water after 7 p.m. so she would not have to go to the latrine at night alone.

She never came forward herself. Her case came to light only when military prosecutors questioned her about another investigation involving the warrant officer. He was ultimately charged with 19 offenses, said Lt. Col. Philip J. Smith, a spokesman for the division that oversaw operations in central Iraq. The charges included seven counts of fraternization and two of adultery, interfering with an investigation and, in Captain White’s case, stalking.

After their deployment ended in September, the officer pleaded guilty and resigned from the Army in lieu of prosecution, Colonel Smith said.

Captain White said that she was satisfied with the legal outcome of her case, though her account of it highlighted the emotional strains that sexual abuse causes.

“I’m not saying that I handled it the best way,” she said in an interview after her own retirement from the Army, “but I handled it at the time and in the situation what I thought was the best way, which was just to keep my head down, keep going — which was kind of an Army thing to say: Drive on.”

Kassie Bracken contributed reporting from San Antonio and Houston.