The Murder of Military Women Continues

This is an important article by Hawai’i’s own Ann Wright.  The violence against women in the military and in military households is epidemic and shocking in its brutality.  Are military and public officials asking themselves why?
Published on Monday, October 6, 2008 by CommonDreams.org
‘My Daughter’s Dream Became a Nightmare’: The Murder of Military Women Continues

by Ann Wright

“My daughter’s dream became a nightmare,” sadly said Gloria Barrios, seven months after her daughter, US Air Force Senior Airman Blanca Luna, was murdered on Sheppard Air Force Base, Texas.

On March 7, 2008, Senior Airman Luna, 27, was found dead in her room at the Sheppard Air Force Base Inn, an on-base lodging facility.  She had been stabbed in the back of the neck with a short knife.  Luna, an Air Force Reservist with four years of prior military service in the Marine Corps including a tour in Japan, was killed three days before she was to graduate from an Air Conditioning, Ventilation and Heating training course.

When she was notified of her daughter’s death, she was handed a letter from Major General K.C. McClain, Commander of the Air Force Personnel Center, which stated that her daughter “was found dead on 7 March 2008 at Sheppard Air Force Base, Texas, as the result of an apparent homicide.” When her body was returned to her family for burial, Barrios and other family members saw bruises on Blanca’s face and wounds on her fingers as if she were defending herself. One of the investigators later told Mrs. Barrios that Blanca had been killed in an “assassin-like” manner. Friends say that she told them some in her unit “had given her problems.”

Seven months later, Luna’s mother made her first visit to the base where her daughter was killed to pry more information about her daughter’s death from the Air Force. Although the Air Force sent investigators to her home in Chicago several times to brief her on the case, she was concerned that the Air Force would not provide a copy of the autopsy report and other documents, seven months after Luna was killed. The Air Force says it cannot provide Mrs. Barrios with a copy of the autopsy as the investigation is “ongoing.” Mrs. Barrios plans to have an independent autopsy conducted.

She was accompanied by her sister and six persons from a support group in Chicago and by several concerned Texans from Dallas, Fort Worth and Denton.  The Chicago support group, composed of long time, experienced social justice activists in the Hispanic community, also included Juan Torres, whose son John, an Army soldier, was found dead under very suspicious circumstances in 2004 at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan.  Because of his battle to get documents from the Army bureaucracy on the death of his son four years ago, Torres has been helping the Barrios family in their effort to gain information about the death of Luna.

When Mrs. Barrios and friends arrived on the Air Base they were greeted by five Air Force officials.   Mrs. Barrios requested that her support group be allowed to join her in an Air Force conducted bus tour of the facilities where her daughter went to school and the lodging facility where she was found dead, but the request was denied. Mrs. Barrios then asked that her friend and translator Magda Castaneda and retired US Army Colonel Ann Wright be allowed to go on the bus and attend the meeting with the base commander and investigators.

After consultation with the base public affairs officer, the deputy Wing Commander Colonel Norsworthy decreed that only Mrs. Barrios’ sister and Mr. Torres could accompany her.  Neither Mrs. Barrios, her sister or Mr. Torres is fluent in English.  Mrs. Barrios told the Air Force officers she did not feel comfortable with having translators provided by the Air Force and again asked that Mrs. Castaneda be allowed to translate for her as Mrs. Castaneda had done numerous times during Air Force briefings at her home.  She asked that retired US Army Colonel Ann Wright be allowed to go as she knew the military bureaucracy.

In front of the support group, the Air Force public affairs officer George Woodward advised Colonel Norsworthy  not to allow Mrs.Casteneda  and Colonel Wright to come on the base and attend the meetings as both were “outspoken in the media and their presence would jeopardize the integrity of the meeting with the family.”

Mrs. Castaneda countered that during a previous meeting with the Air Force investigators in Chicago, she had been told by one investigator that she asked too many questions.  Could that be the reason that she unable to accompany Mrs. Barrios, she asked?  Mrs. Barrios also reminded the officers that after she was interviewed for an article about her daughter that was published in July in the Chicago Reader “Murder on the Base”  (http://www.chicagoreader.com/features/stories/murderonthebase/ [1]), she was warned by an Air Force official not to speak to the media again.

Mrs. Castaneda demanded that Woodward provide her a copy of the article on which he based his decision to recommend to the deputy base commander that she not be allowed on the base and translate for the family.  Several hours later Woodward gave Castaneda an article from Indy media in which she was quoted as the translator for Mrs. Barrios in which she had translated Barrios’ statement that “Luna a four year Marine veteran.”

While Colonel Wright (the author of this article) has written numerous articles concerning the rape and murder of women in the military, she reminded the officers that she holds a valid military ID card as a retired Colonel, that she had not violated any laws or military regulations by writing and speaking about issues of violence against women in the military and that most families of military members who have been killed are at a disadvantage in dealing with the military bureaucracy in finding answers to the questions they have about the deaths of their loved ones. She reminded the officials that the parents of NFL football player Pat Tillman, who after three Congressional hearings on the death of their son in Afghanistan in 2002, still don’t have the answers to the questions of who killed their son and why hasn’t the perpetrator of the crime been brought to justice.  Families of “ordinary” service members, and particularly families limited knowledge of the military and with limited financial means find themselves at the mercy of the military for information.

The base Catholic Chaplain and the Staff Judge Advocate, both colonels, were silent during the exchange.  One would have thought that perhaps a chaplain who watched as Mrs. Barrios, a single mother whose only daughter had been killed and whose English was minimal, broke down in tears and sat sobbing on the curb as the public affairs officer described her friends as “outspoken and a threat to the integrity of the meetings” would have been sensitive to a grieving mother’s need for a family friend who had translated in all the previous meetings with the Air Force investigators-but he was silent.  Likewise, the senior lawyer on the base who no doubt had handled many criminal cases, would have recognized that a distraught mother would need someone who could take notes and understand the nuances of the discussion in English during the very stressful discussions with the investigators-but he was silent.  Instead, the colonels bowed to the civilian public affairs officer’s advice that “outspoken” women were a threat to the “integrity of the meeting.”

Eventually, Mrs. Barrios, her sister Algeria and Juan Torres met with Brigadier General Mannon, the commander of the 82nd Training Wing and with three members of the Office of Special Investigations.  Mrs. Barrios said they were given no new information about the investigation and questioned again why her friends, who over the past seven months have been a part of the briefings from the Air Force, had been kept out of meetings where the Air Force officials knew they were not going to provide any new information.

Since 2003 there have been 34 homicides and 218 “self-inflicted” deaths (suicides) in the Air Force and in 2007-2008 alone, 5 homicides and 35 “self-inflicted” deaths according to the Public  Affairs office of the 82nd Training Wing at Sheppard Air Force base.

On the same day Mrs. Barrios went to Sheppard Air Force Base, October 3, 2008, the US Army announced that a US Army woman sergeant had been killed near Fort Bragg, North Carolina by a stab wound in the neck.  Sergeant Christina Smith, 29, was stabbed on September 30, 2008, allegedly by her US Army husband Sergeant Richard Smith who was accompanied by Private First Class Matthew Kvapil.

Smith was the fourth military woman murdered in North Carolina in the past 9 months.

On June 21, 2008, US Army Specialist Megan Touma, 23, was killed inside a Fayetteville, NC hotel, less than two weeks after she arrived at Fort Bragg from an assignment in Germany.  She was seven months pregnant. Sergeant Edgar Patino, a married male soldier assigned to Fort Bragg whom Touma knew from Germany and who reportedly was the father of the unborn child, has been arrested for her murder.

On July 10, 2008, Army 2nd Lt. Holley Wimunc, an Army nurse at Fort Bragg, was killed.  Her estranged husband, Marine Corporal John Wimunc of Camp Lejeune, NC has been arrested in her death and the burning of her body and Lance Corporal Kyle Alden was arrested for destroying evidence and providing a false alibi.

Marine Lance Cpl. Maria Lauterbach had been raped in May 2007 and protective orders had been issued against the alleged perpetrator, fellow Marine Cpl. Cesar Laurean. The burned body of Lauterbach and her unborn baby were found in a shallow grave in the backyard of Laurean’s home in January 2008.  Laurean fled to Mexico, where he was captured by Mexican authorities. He is currently awaiting extradition to the United States to stand trial. Lauterbach’s mother testified before Congress on July 31, 2008, that the Marine Corps ignored warning signs that Laurean was a danger to her daughter .
On Wednesday, October 8, at 11:30am, a vigil for the four military women and all victims of violence will be held at the Main Gate at Fort Bragg followed by a discussion on violence against women at the Quaker Peace Center in Fayetteville, NC and a wreath laying at Lafayette Memorial Park. The events are sponsored by the Coalition to End Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault in the Military, Veterans for Peace and the Quaker Peace Center.

Ann Wright is a retired Army Reserve colonel and a 29-year veteran of the Army and Army Reserves. She was also a diplomat in Nicaragua, Grenada, Somalia, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Sierra Leone, Micronesia, Afghanistan and Mongolia. She resigned from the Department of State on March 19, 2003, in opposition to the Iraq war. She has written several articles on violence against women in the military including “Sexual Assault in the Military: A DoD Cover-Up? [2]”  [2], “U.S. Military Keeping Secrets About Female Soldiers’ ‘Suicides’? [3]” [3]and “Is There an Army Cover Up of Rape and Murder of Women Soldiers? [4]” [4].  She is also the co-author of the book “Dissent: Voices of Conscience [5]” (www.voicesofconscience.com [6]).

Article printed from www.CommonDreams.org
URL to article: http://www.commondreams.org/view/2008/10/06-4

Women Building Genuine Security

This is an excellent description of the International Women’s Network Against Militarism by Gwyn Kirk, one of the founding members.

http://www.feministafrica.org/uploads/File/Issue%2010/profile.pdf

Building Genuine Security: The International Women’s Network Against Militarism

Gwyn Kirk

We are very pleased to have the following description of our Network included in this issue of Feminist Africa because of our concern about the implementation of AFRICOM. We are especially alarmed because Network members have observed and experienced first-hand similar developments and their impacts in Asia, the Pacific, and the US. We also want our African sisters, who face the possibility of new, and perhaps long-term, US military presence on the continent, to know we stand in solidarity with you.

Currently, worldwide, the US military maintains over 700 bases and installations, with facilities and operations on every continent. In addition, there are numerous secret sites, such as those in Israel, or other sites not yet considered official, such as newly established bases in Iraq. The most recent effort at military expansion, the proposed development of AFRICOM or the US Africa Command, is the newest of six regional structures designed to cover particular geographic areas. The other five are the Pacific, Middle East, Europe, South American, and North American commands, each led by a commanding officer responsible for the entire region. The goal is to maintain an integrated network of personnel, equipment, and weapons that can respond at a moment’s notice “to protect US interests,” that is, the interests of capital and ruling elites.

About Us

This Network started in 1997 when 40 women activists, policy-makers, researchers, teachers, and university students from South Korea, Okinawa, mainland Japan, the Philippines and the United States gathered to share information and to strategize about the negative effects of US military operations in all our countries. These included military violence against women and girls, the plight of mixed-race Amerasian children abandoned by US military fathers, environmental contamination, and the distortion of local economies. More recently, women from Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and Guam have joined. We have developed a common analysis and understanding of how the US military, directly and indirectly, destroys lives, jeopardizes the physical environment, undermines local economies and cultures, and destroys opportunities to live in sustainable ways. We focus on military institutions, as well as military values, policies, and operations, and their impacts on our communities, especially on women.

The work of the network is significant in several key ways. First, it has brought together women across national, regional, class, race, and linguisticboundaries in a sustained way. Although some of us have met each other at activist and academic conferences, international gatherings such as Beijing Women’s Conference (1995), Hague Appeal for Peace (1999), Tokyo Women’s Military Tribunal (2000), and the World Social Forum (2004), the Network has provided a loose organizational structure and has combined resources to enable participants to meet regularly to exchange information, strategize together, to identify research needs, and to get to know each other personally and politically.

Another importance of the Network is our developing understanding of what is involved in transnational feminist praxis. We are a multi-national, multi-lingual group who subscribe to a range of feminist perspectives. This has both enriched our work and challenged us to think and re-think our collective and individual theoretical understandings of militarism, militarization, military occupation, and armed conflict. Most significant has been examining our relationships to each other while we struggle to resist US militarism and its impacts. Through the decade of our existence, we have faced and addressed, in a variety of ways, issues related to the following questions:

• What does it mean to work across, and in spite of, the asymmetrical structural power relations among us? These include intra-regional inequalities such as among Japanese, Korean and Filipino members, as well as interregional disparities between the US and all other country members.

• How do we address the contradictions and tensions raised by the nature
of these relationships?

• How do we deal with linguistic differences, related to class, ethnicity, culture, so we can communicate effectively as we discuss issues that are intellectual and emotional, and sometimes traumatic?

• What are our collective responsibilities for our respective country’s polices and practices that have impacted others in our Network? This is especially true for US and Japanese participants, whose countries have heavily shaped geopolitical relations historically and contemporarily.

• What do we actually mean by “transnational feminist praxis”?

Key Lessons Learned

We have learned many common-sense and profound lessons during our ten years together. Perhaps the most important is working multilingually. At the first meeting in 1997, we recognized the need for more adequate interpretation and translation among English, Japanese, Korean and Tagalog. This difficulty, and the tensions it generated, still persist. A group of volunteer translators have created a Feminist Activist Dictionary to be used by our interpreters and members, so that we can share common meanings and definitions of words that often cannot be translated directly from one language to another. These include terms such as rape and gender in English, han in Korean, and giri in Japanese. We realise that interpretation and translation take time. Talks and presentations should be finished before a meeting so translators can work on them, for example. Also, we must schedule meeting sessions to allow for interpretation, and identify women who are willing to act as interpreters. As we are not able to pay them for their time, we greatly appreciate the significant, and essential, contribution they make to our work.

One of the most profound lessons deals with privilege and access to resources – both assumed and real-based on race/ethnicity, class, nation, history, and language. One way this has manifested is in relation to money and funding, for example. Sometimes, women outside the US have assumed that US-based women and, to a lesser extent, Japanese women, have easy access to financial resources. Relative to poorer countries, this may be true, but it has not been easy for women living in the US to secure funding for the Network. The nature of work – opposing US military and economic policies and working outside the US – makes it difficult to secure sustained funding from most donors. Occasionally, we have been fortunate enough to secure grants from groups such as the Global Fund for Women. Another problem has been the assumption, by those outside the United States, that US women are a monolithic group. In reality, the US is characterized by serious inequalities based on region, language, race, class, and immigration status. As women living in the US, we have sought to raise awareness about these issues during international Network meetings, including trying to ensure adequate representation of a range of US participants.

Our Vision and Mission

We envision a world of genuine security based on justice, respect for others across national boundaries, and economic planning based on local people’s needs, especially the needs of women and children. Our shared mission is to build and sustain a network of women to promote, model, and protect genuine security in the face of militarism.

Our goals

• To contribute to the creation of societies free of militarism, violence, and all forms of sexual exploitation in order to guarantee the rights of marginalized people, particularly women and children, and to ensure the safety, well-being, and long-term sustainability of all our communities.

• To strengthen our common consciousness and voice by sharing experiences and making connections among militarism, imperialism, and systems of oppression and exploitation based on gender, race, class and nation.

What is Genuine Security?

Security is often thought of as “national security” or “military security”. We believe that militarism undermines everyday security for many people and for the environment. Following the United Nations Development Program report of 1994, we argue that genuine security arises from the following principles:

1. The physical environment must be able to sustain human and natural life;

2. People’s basic needs for food, clothing, shelter, health care, and education must be guaranteed;

3. People’s fundamental human dignity should be honored and cultural identities respected;

4. People and the natural environment should be protected from avoidable harm.

Working for genuine security means:

• Valuing people and having confidence in their potential to live in life-affirming ways;

• Building a strong personal core that enables us to work with “others” across lines of significant difference through honest and open dialogue;

• Respecting differences based on gender, race, and culture, rather than using these attributes to objectify “others” as inferior;

• Relying on spiritual values to make connections with others;

• Creating relationships of care so that children and young people feel needed and gain respect for themselves and each other through meaningful participation in community projects, decision-making, and work;

• Redefining manhood to include nurturing and caring for others. Men’s sense of wellbeing, pride, belonging, competence, and security should come from activities and institutions that are life affirming;

• Valuing cooperation over competition;

• Eliminating gross inequalities of wealth between nations and between people within nations;

• Eliminating oppressions based on gender, race, class, heterosexuality, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, able body-ism, and other significant differences;

• Building genuine democracy – locally, nationally, regionally, and internationally – with local control of resources and appropriate education to participate fully in decision-making processes;

• Valuing the complex ecological web that sustains human beings and of which we are all a part;

• Ending all forms of colonialism and occupation.

Issues

In our diverse communities we are working on: military violence against women/trafficking, problems arising from the expansion of US military operations, health effects of environmental contamination by preparations for war, and the everyday militarization of all our societies. In the US, low-income communities face aggressive military recruiting and inadequate services due to inflated military budgets at the expense of socially-useful programs. Part of our work is to redefine security, as described above, especially for women, children, and the environment.

Alongside our anti-military critiques, we are working on creating sustainable communities and putting forth our visions of alternatives, sustainable ways to live.

Network Activities vary from country to country and include the provision of services and support to victims/survivors, public education and protest, research, lobbying, litigation, promoting alternative economic development, and networking.

We seek to:

• promote solidarity and healing among the diversity of women affected by militarism and violence;

• integrate our common understandings into our relationships in the Network and in our daily lives;

• promote leadership and self-determination among all the sisters of the Network;

• initiate and support local and international efforts against militarism;

• strengthen our work by exploring our diverse historical, social, political, and economic experiences in each nation/country.

Together, we address the challenge of how to link these separate efforts, each focusing on small parts of the military system. We do it in the following ways:

• International meetings

• Facilitating links among country groups

• Coordinated activities

• Supporting each others’ individual activities and campaigns through letters, donations, selling goods

• Educating people in our communities about how US militarism impacts women, children, and the environment in other countries of the Network

• Writing, talks and presentations

Network participants have organised 6 international meetings in:

Okinawa (1997 and 2000)

South Korea (2002)

Philippines (2004)

United States (1998 and 2007)

These meetings include site visits to US bases and women’s projects, public sessions to share information and perspectives, internal discussions of the issues women are working on in each nation, art-related and cultural activity, and media work.

Network members have also participated in other international efforts:

Hague Appeal for Peace (1999)

Grassroots Summit for Bases Cleanup (1999)

World Social Forum (2004)

Our expertise

• Knowledge. We know how US militarism impacts communities in the Asia/Pacific region and the Caribbean as well as in the United States.

• Analysis. We see important connections and continuities between US domestic and foreign policy that link communities impacted by military decisions, budgets, and operations in the US and abroad. We use the lenses of gender, race, class and nation to analyze the issues.

• Solidarity. Our Network comprises veteran organizers and relative newcomers. We have sustained this Network for 10 years across geographical distances, differences of language and culture, and complex histories among our nations.

• Languages. At the Network level we decided not to work only in English. This would limit participation to women with college education, whereas many activists who are doing cutting edge work are not fluent in English. Currently, the Network works in 5 languages: English, Japanese, Korean, Spanish and Pilipino. We have dedicated interpreters/translators who facilitate clear communication. They have compiled a dictionary of over 400 terms that need precise, systematic translation.

• Organizing and Leadership Development. The country groups all involve skilled and experienced organizers working in their communities on these issues. The international meetings have been extremely effective in supporting this local organizing and creating opportunities for younger activists to develop leadership skills and experience.

• Public education. Many Network participants give talks and workshops, and publish popular articles, op ed pieces, and more scholarly papers.

• Art and social change. Network participants include visual artists, poets, writers, dancers, and performers. We see a crucial connection between the arts and action for social change.

Future growth involves:

• Better communication among our country groups;

• Deeper understanding of the issues and how to address them;

• More country-country connections and activities;

• More Network-wide activities;

• Expanding the Network by adding more country groups and linking with other women’s anti-military networks;

• Being able to support a Network secretariat, possibly with paid staff time.

International partners include women active with:

Asia Peace Alliance, Tokyo.

Japan Coalition on the US Military Bases, Yufuin, Oita.

Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, Naha, Okinawa.

Du Rae Bang (My Sister’s Place), Uijongbu, South Korea.

National Campaign to Eradicate Crime by US Troops in Korea, Seoul.

SAFE Korea, Seoul.

BUKLOD Center, Olongapo City, Philippines.

Philippines Women’s Network for Peace and Security, Manila.

WEDPRO (Women’s Education, Development, Productivity and Research

Organization) Quezon City, Philippines.

Institute for Latino Empowerment, Caguas, Puerto Rico.

Alianza de Mujeres Viequenses, Vieques, Puerto Rico.

DMZ-Aloha A’ina, Hawaii.

Nasion Chamoru, Guam

Women for Genuine Security is the US-based Network group with members in the San Francisco Bay Area, Los Angeles, and Seattle. US partners include women active with Bay Area groups: AFSC, babae, FACES, KAWAN, PANA Institute, Women of Color Resource Center, and Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom.

We are among the Network founders and have several distinct roles within it:

• Transnational collaborative work with women outside the United States – e.g. educating US audiences about the US military presence in the Asia-Pacific region and the Caribbean, and writing letters to officials (in the US and outside) in support of local activism in Network nations.

• Working with US groups concerning the effects of militarism in the United States and bringing this perspective to the international Network.

• Fundraising to support travel and accommodation at international meetings for women from poorer countries.

• Providing informal co-ordination for the Network.

As women living in the United States, our model of transnational organizing means taking into account the unequal power relationships between the US and the countries where US bases are located. Taking our national privilege seriously, we strive to create working relationships that are equal, mutually respectful and democratic, between women across nations. We seek to avoid recreating the same power hierarchy among us as exists between our nations.

We want to work with women who are doing grassroots organizing, which means that translation and interpretation are key components of our work. This international network includes strong friendships that have been sustained for over a decade. We believe that working together is possible despite language difference, cultural differences, and geographic distance because we have forged strong personal relationships, not just based on the issues we care about, but by really hearing and sharing each others’ passions, life stories, and commitments.

Our international meetings last from 4-7 days to allow time for translation, and the cultural sharing that grounds our relationships and commitments to one another’s struggles and to our work together. We also build our connections through country-to-country exchanges of women activists visiting each other for consultation, study, speaking tours, research, and shared inspiration.

For more details see www.genuinesecurity.org

This website started out with a focus on Women for Genuine Security. We plan to expand it to become more international in scope.

Contact us at info@genuinesecurity.org

Kaneohe Marine arrested in sex assault

POSTED: 01:30 a.m. HST, Oct 27, 2008

Marine arrested in sex assault

Police arrested an 18-year-old Marine Saturday who allegedly kidnapped and sexually assaulted a 19-year-old woman in Kaneohe.

The woman told police the man touched her inappropriately while she was inside his vehicle, then prevented her from leaving and from calling the police shortly before noon Saturday.

The man was arrested shortly afterward and released pending investigation.

Source: http://www.starbulletin.com/news/20081027_police_and_fire.html

Rape in the U.S. military

http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oew-marshall30jan30,0,510658.story

Rape in the U.S. military

How a fraternal culture and a habit of blaming the victim leave sexual violence unexamined and unpunished.

By Lucinda Marshall
January 30, 2008

Anne K. Ream’s recent Op-Ed sheds much needed light on how the U.S. military continues to trivialize rape and sexual assault committed by members of the armed forces. Writing about whether a man who is convicted of rape in a civilian court should still be entitled to a traditional military funeral, Ream points out that although barring full honor burials in such a situation is largely a symbolic act, “the military policy of allowing honors burials for veterans convicted of rape sends a chilling message to victims: Even the most heinous sexual violence does not trump prior military service.”

The case Ream refers to is not an isolated incident of fraternal militarism being used to excuse sexual violence. In a recent court case in Lebanon, Penn., an Army Reserve sergeant was convicted of indecent assault after rape charges were dropped when fellow soldiers who were present at the incident refused to cooperate with police. Responding to the verdict, the defendant’s attorney said she thought he should have been cleared of all charges. “After all, he did serve his country.”

Unfortunately, this mind-set is consistent with the Pentagon’s very poor record of prosecuting sexual assault and rape within the ranks while at the same time disregarding and further victimizing those who report these heinous crimes. To put these cases in perspective, there were 2,947 reports of sexual assaults in the military in 2006, an increase in reports of 24% over 2005. However, very few of these cases tend to be prosecuted. A Pentagon report [PDF] in March 2007 found that more than half of the investigations dating back to 2004 resulted in no action. When action was taken, only one third of the cases resulted in courts-martial.

Indeed, in many cases, the military seems more intent on intimidating and harassing the victims than investigating and prosecuting the charges. In 2004, after Lt. Jennifer Dyer reported being raped by a fellow officer at Camp Shelby, Miss., she said she was held in seclusion for three days, read her Miranda rights and threatened with criminal prosecution for filing a false report. After finally being given two weeks leave, she was threatened with prosecution for being AWOL when she would not report for duty to the same location where the man she had accused – who was later acquitted on assault charges – was still posted.

Lance Cpl. Sally Griffiths was also accused of lying after she reported being raped by a fellow Marine while stationed in Okinawa, Japan. It wasn’t until she got access to her case file and found a statement by the Marine that confirmed her story that she was able to obtain the discharge she sought. The Marine she accused was never prosecuted. He continued to serve in the military and was promoted several times.

After Army Spc. Suzanne Swift went AWOL instead of staying in the same unit as the soldiers who she accused of sexually harassing her, the Army court-martialed her when she refused a deal that would have forced her to remain in the military and sign a statement saying she had not been raped.

More recently, there have been the well-publicized cases of Lance Cpl. Maria Lauterbach, who was murdered after accusing another Marine of rape, and Jamie Leigh Jones, who says that she was gang-raped while working for Halliburton/KBR in Iraq. Jones claims that after she reported her rape, the company put her in a shipping container and warned her that she would lose her job if she left Iraq for medical treatment. The rape kit collected by military medical personnel was lost after it was turned over to Halliburton/KBR. The Pentagon has refused to investigate or to testify before Congress.

In allowing convicted rapists to be buried with full honors, the military continues to perpetuate the culture of impunity that allows soldiers to commit sexual violence with little worry of being brought to justice. As Ream concludes, it is sadly ironic that even though rape and sexual violence are now considered war crimes, our own military persists in practices that perpetuate those crimes. Unfortunately, this is merely one more example of the misogyny implicit in military culture. Women’s bodies and lives have always been considered the spoils of war. The military’s continuing disregard and disrespect for the safety of women’s lives even within their own ranks, and in disregard of international law, should give us pause to wonder just whose freedom we are protecting.

Lucinda Marshall is a feminist artist, writer, activist and founder of the Feminist Peace Network.

Kaneohe Marine charged with sex assault of teen

Posted at 9:38 p.m., Tuesday, January 15, 2008

Kaneohe Marine charged with sex assault of teen

Advertiser Staff

A Kane’ohe-based Marine is being held in lieu of $250,000 bail tonight after being indicted on eight sex-assault involving a 14-year-old girl.

Hugo Ismael Valentin Jr., 39, had been charged Jan. 7 with one count of first-degree and two counts of third-degree sex assault.

He was arrested at Building 5071 on the Marine base today at 4:39 p.m. and booked on four counts each of first- and third-degree sex assault.

Source: http://the.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/2008/Jan/15/br/br5864701329.html

Schofield Soldier Charged with Exposing Himself

Schofield Soldier Charged with Exposing Himself

Written by Tina Chau – tchau@kgmb9.com

September 26, 2007 03:38 AM

Kenneth Stanley, 22, was in his military garb when his mug shot was taken.

The soldier was arrested at Schofield Barracks and has been charged with exposing himself to young girls as they walked home from school.

Police said there are at least seven victims and that the flasher tended to strike between 2 p.m. and 4 p.m.

Two of the alleged incidents happened within blocks of each other in Aiea, on Lalani Street and Olopana Street and a third one in Mililani by Mililani High School.

Police said all three took place on separate days.

“As a parent here, I’m concerned for the children in the area,” said Mililani mom Cesceli Nakamura.

Several area schools have alerted parents about two guys in a black car driving up and down Kipapa Drive in Mililani, apparently putting on these unwelcome shows.

It is unclear whether it is related to the Stanley case, but parents are worried, especially after another alarming incident near Mililani High last week.

Police said a man tried to kidnap a 14-year-old girl by pulling her into some bushes.

Fortunately, she got away.

“She struggled and was able to get free,” said the school’s vice principal.

Letters were sent home to parents about that incident along with details of other reports by students who said they were offered drugs near campus.

This current case has parents being extra careful.

“I do have my young one who bikes to school and she comes home by herself sometimes,” said Neille Hagen, a mother of three. “We just informed them not to ever take a ride home with a stranger even if they presented themselves as a police officer.”

An official from Schofield Barracks said they were unaware of any arrests, but are looking into the incident.

Source: http://kgmb9.com/main/content/view/337/40/

Soldier Arrested for flashing girls in Mililani

Suspected Flasher Arrested

By: Mari-Ela David

MILILANI (KHNL) – There’s been a recent rash of crime near Mililani High School, but Honolulu police say they’ve made at least one arrest to keep the area safe.

Officers arrested a man at Schofield Tuesday morning. 23-year-old Kenneth Stanley is suspected of flashing females ages 12 to 16.

He faces charges of sexual assault and attempted sexual assault. Stanley was wearing fatigues, but Schofield could not confirm Tuesday that he is a soldier.

Although police have nabbed a suspected flasher, two men who tried to kidnap two girls on separate occasions are still on the loose.

In light of the recent crime, school leaders urge all students to stay on alert.

Within the last five months near Mililani High School, men have targeted female students. One man tried to kidnap a teen last week. Another attempted kidnapping happened in April. Now, a man is in custody for alledgedly flashing girls near Mililani and Aiea schools.

“You don’t hear about stuff like that happening in Mililani so it’s just kind of scary,” says Mililani High School graduate Jessica Dodd.

In light of the crimes, staff issued letters warning students not to walk alone.

“Even though they’re in high school and they think that they’re safe, they need to be with buddies all the time. We told them to carry whistles and different things to attract attention if they need it,” says Mililani High School Principal Dr. John Brummel.

“I’ve been able to walk the streets at 12:00 in the night and nobody has ever bothered me and something like this happens, it makes me think a lot about walking by myself,” says Dodd.

Dr. Brummel says the community has also stepped in to help protect students.

“We’ve had parents that wanted to come in and do self-defense classes for kids and they knew of contacts and so we’ve had all kinds of support from the community since this has happened,” he says.

That support is what staff says students still need, judging by the handful of students who continue to walk to and from school by themselves.

Police aren’t sure if the man they nabbed Tuesday is the same person who flashed two female students two weeks ago.

Stanley is being held on $7000 bail.

Source: http://www.khnl.com/Global/story.asp?s=7129399

6th International Meeting of Women Resisting Militarism

6th International Meeting of Women Resisting Militarism: San Francisco, CA

The International Women’s Network Against Militarism’s 6th international meeting: Women Working for Human Rights, Sustainability and Everyday Security. This meeting brings together 80 women from Korea, Okinawa, Hawaii, Guam, Puerto Rico, Philippines, mainland Japan and the U.S. to share information and strategize about the negative effects of US military operations in all our countries.

Visit the Women for Genuine Security website for more information or download the public presentation and performance flyer (2MB PDF). 

Soldier gets life with no parole for killing fellow GI

Soldier gets life with no parole for killing fellow GI

By Rosemarie Bernardo
rbernardo@starbulletin.com

A seven-member jury sentenced Spc. Jeffery White to life in prison without the possibility of parole for murdering Spc. Felicia LaDuke.

White showed no emotion when his sentence was announced in a courtroom yesterday at Wheeler Army Airfield. The court-martial jury also demoted White and dishonorably discharged him from the Army.

The former truck driver with the 325th Brigade Support Battalion, 3rd Brigade, remains at the Navy brig in Ford Island. His case will be sent to the service Court of Criminal Appeals.

Before he was sentenced, White took the stand and asked the jury for another chance at a productive life so he could be a father to his three children. He also apologized to the LaDuke family and his wife and other family members.

“I do have remorse and emotions,” White said. “I’m sorry for the things that happened.”

During sentence proceedings Wednesday, family members described White as a smart, responsible person who regularly sent clothes and gifts to his younger brothers and nieces and nephews in Houston.

But that was not how White was described by the prosecuting attorney.

“There was intent not only to kill her, but to make her suffer,” Capt. David Clark said.

“Did he ever say ‘I’m sorry Felicia for what I did’?” he said. “She went to Iraq and survived only to come back to Hawaii for another soldier to murder her.”

LaDuke’s family was not satisfied with White’s words.

“He didn’t say he was sorry for what he did. He showed no remorse, whatsoever,” LaDuke’s father, Steve, said.

Jury members deliberated for about 2 1/2 hours before reaching a decision on his sentence, after finding him guilty of premeditated murder on Tuesday.

White and LaDuke, a motor transport operator with the 25th Transportation Company, 524th Combat Support Battalion, were involved in a custody and child support battle over their son, Elijah, who was 20 months old at the time of LaDuke’s murder.

White has two other children, a 2-year-old daughter, Jacyah, and 7-month old son, Amir, with his wife Angela.

White’s family members declined to comment.

A custody hearing for Elijah, who turns 3 in February, is scheduled to be held Monday at Family Court. LaDuke’s father said he hopes his grandson will be able to come home to Warroad, Minn., with them.

“Now, maybe he can live with the family instead of living in foster care,” LaDuke’s father said.

Family members of LaDuke and White have talked to each other about how important it is for Elijah to grow up knowing both sides of his family.

“The primary focus here is going to be Elijah and having him be the happiest, healthiest little boy he can be and have a family,” LaDuke’s stepmother, Donna LaDuke, said.

Friends and family members described LaDuke as a bubbly, generous person who enjoyed telling jokes. She also was a loving mother and someone who would lift her friends’ spirits when they were upset or sad.

LaDuke’s father continues to agonize over his daughter’s murder, saying it “was like my heart was ripped out of my chest and it can’t be replaced in any way, shape or form.”

“Sure, he’s going to prison, but I still have no daughter,” he said.

Source: http://archives.starbulletin.com/2006/12/15/news/story08.html

Soldier faces life in prison for murder

Soldier faces life in prison for murder

The Schofield driver is found guilty of killing the mother of his child

By Rosemarie Bernardo
rbernardo@starbulletin.com

A court-martial jury found Spc. Jeffery White guilty yesterday of premeditated murder of Spc. Felicia LaDuke on Oct. 7, 2005.

White, a truck driver with the 325th Brigade Support Battalion, faces life in prison or life with eligibility of parole in 20 years. He was to be sentenced at Wheeler Army Airfield at 1 p.m. today.

LaDuke, a motor transport operator with the 25th Transportation Company, 524th Combat Support Battalion, and White were involved in a custody battle over their son, Elijah. The toddler was 20 months old when LaDuke was murdered. White has another child with his wife, Angela.

Jury members deliberated for about 4 1/2 hours before they reached a verdict.

“He had a wife, a new life. She didn’t fit in anymore because she was a liability, a problem,” Capt. Robert McGovern, an attorney who represented the U.S. government, said during closing arguments at the court-martial.

LaDuke wanted White to “man up” to his responsibilities, McGovern said. White was fed up with her, he said.

White, he said, did not act in a fit of rage, but had talked with friends about killing LaDuke.

In August 2005, White told a friend, “I should just kill her, dump her body so I don’t have to pay child support.”

“He said it to many people, not idle chatter, (but) a man expressing his anger,” McGovern said.

On the night of Oct. 7, 2005, White was playing pool with a friend and stewing over LaDuke. He had changed his plans with his wife and called LaDuke about 10 p.m., asking to meet her.

The two, according to court testimony, drove to Kaena Point, where White beat her, strangled her and finally drove her car over her body three times to make sure she was dead.

McGovern said White attempted to cover evidence of his crime, showing it was a premeditated act.

This shows that someone is smart and was thinking — “not someone in rage,” McGovern said.

The courtroom gallery was packed with military personnel and family members of LaDuke and White during closing arguments. Family members declined comment.

White’s attorney, Maj. John Hyatt, said that White brought LaDuke to Kaena Point to have sex, not to kill her.

While they were at Kaena Point, something prompted White to derail his plans, Hyatt said.

Prior to LaDuke’s death, Hyatt told jury members, there were no threats against LaDuke from White. Of the statements he made to friends on how he wanted to harm LaDuke, Hyatt said, “People use phrases. People use figures of speech.”

“Nobody thought there was a potential of danger that LaDuke would get hurt,” Hyatt said.

“He never threatened her. There were plenty of opportunities of threats,” Hyatt said.

Hyatt argued that LaDuke’s death was not a result of premeditated murder because White did not consider how he would leave the scene.

Hyatt also argued that White did not have a weapon or a plan to leave the area.

After LaDuke’s murder, White told the first person he ran into that he killed someone. “There is no rational follow-through, no mental preparedness,” he said.

Source: http://archives.starbulletin.com/2006/12/13/news/story08.html